De Tod@s Para Tod@s

Indigenous Resistance Against Mines (Vancouver Media Coop)

2012-01-20T13:31:00.000-08:00

Two dead in confrontation in Oaxaca, near site of Canadian mine (Nancy Davies)

2012-01-20T13:29:00.000-08:00

Militarized Mining in Mexico (Dawn Paley)

2012-01-20T13:27:00.000-08:00

Two wounded by Canadian Mine’s gunmen in Ocotlán, Oaxaca

2012-01-20T13:11:00.000-08:00

Two wounded by Canadian Mine’s gunmen in Ocotlán, Oaxaca
January 18, 2012

This denouncement was received by urgent notice of our social networks:

“Our comrades of the Coordinated United Peoples of Ocotlán Valley (CPUVO) inform us that they have experienced the following repression in the community of San José del Progreso, two people have sustained gunshot wounds: Bernardo Méndez Vásquez and Abigail Vásquez, at the hands of gunmen hired by Fortuna Silver-Minera Cuzcatlán, in San José del Progreso, Ocotlán, Oaxaca; in collusion with the Municipal President. This occurred when the victims sought to halt the construction of hydraulic pumps in their community that would give the mining company access to consume the region’s water supply. These comrades are reported to be in critical condition.”

The Sixth National Assembly of Environmental Victims was held in Ocotlán.
The photos are of those who have defended the mine:

ORIGINAL IN SPANISH:

dos heridos por pistoleros de minera canadiense en ocotlan on http://zapateando.wordpress.com

FBI raid in LA targets anti-war organizers home

2011-05-19T13:58:00.000-07:00

FBI AND LA COUNTY SHERIFF RAID VETERAN CHICANO ACTIVIST CARLOS MONTES
STATEMENT FROM THE COMMITTEE TO STOP FBI REPRESSION

On May 17, 2011 at 5:00 AM the SWAT Team of the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department and members of the FBI raided the home of Carlos Montes, a long time Chicano activist and active member of the Committee to Stop FBI Repression. The SWAT Team smashed the front door and rushed in with automatic weapons as Carlos slept. The team of Sheriffs and FBI proceeded to ransack his house, taking his computer, cell phones and hundreds of documents, photos, diskettes and mementos of his current political activities in the pro-immigrant rights and Chicano civil rights movement. Also taken were hundreds of historical documents related to Carlos Montes’ involvement in the Chicano movement for the past 44 years.

Carlos was arrested on one charge dealing with a firearm code and released on bail the following morning. His first court appearance is set for June 16, 2011.

This attack on Carlos Montes is part of the campaign of FBI harassment taking place against the 23 peace and justice activists which has until now been centered in the Midwest. Carlos Montes’ name was listed on the subpoena left in the office of the Twin Cities Anti-War Committee last September 24. When Carlos Montes was placed in the LA County Sheriff's car, an FBI agent approached and asked him questions about the Freedom Road Socialist Organization.

Carlos Montes has done nothing wrong. This is an attack on him and an attack on the Chicano movement for equality. Carlos has been involved and a committed leader in the immigrant rights, anti war, solidarity, and quality education movements his whole adult life.

Stop the Attacks on the Chicano and Immigrants Rights Movement!

We demand all charges be dropped against Carlos Montes. We call for the immediate return of all his property.

Please call and write US Attorney General Eric Holder (202) 353-1555 and demand Hands Off Carlos Montes and other activists.

Join the LA Committee Against FBI Repression on May 24, 2011, at 7 PM to hear first hand about this attack and discuss the FBI repression targeting political activists and movements. The program will take place at F Square Printing, 519 South Spring Street, Los Angeles, CA 90013.

www.stopfbila.net

www.stopfbi.net

COMUNICADO del CCRI-CG del EZLN: Convocatoria a sumarse a la Marcha Nacional por la Justicia y contra la Impunidad

2011-04-28T19:43:00.000-07:00

COMUNICADO DEL COMITÉ CLANDESTINO REVOLUCIONARIO INDÍGENA-COMANDANCIA GENERAL DEL EJÉRCITO ZAPATISTA DE LIBERACIÓN NACIONAL.
MÉXICO.

ABRIL DEL 2011.

“Un habitante de Los Pinos contempla un atroz crimen,
Se desentiende por un año,
Cambia de puesto a los muebles que
Juegan a ministros y funcionarios
Y se refugia en culpable silencio,
El descastado, en su afán de conservar
La silla que lo monta.
¿Qué le daremos Daré?
Y nuestro niño médico de almas prescribe:
Un corsé de dignidad que la espalda le enderece,
Gotas de verdad para los ojos,
Tabletas de honradez (pero que no se las meta en los bolsillos),
Inyecciones de dignidad que no se compra con dinero
Y el reposo absoluto de sus corruptos hábitos.

Aíslenlo, su enfermedad es contagiosa”.

Juan Carlos Mijangos Noh.
(Fragmento de “49 Globos”,
en memoria de l@s 49 niñ@s muert@s en la Guardería ABC de Hermosillo, Sonora).

AL PUEBLO DE MÉXICO:
A LOS PUEBLOS DEL MUNDO:
A LOS ADHERENTES A LA SEXTA DECLARACIÓN DE LA SELVA LACANDONA Y LA OTRA CAMPAÑA EN MÉXICO:
A LOS ADHERENTES A LA ZEZTA INTERNACIONAL:

HERMANAS Y HERMANOS:
COMPAÑERAS Y COMPAÑEROS:

LA CAMPAÑA MILITAR PSICÓTICA DE FELIPE CALDERÓN HINOJOSA, QUIEN HA CONVERTIDO LA LUCHA CONTRA EL CRIMEN EN UN ARGUMENTO TOTALITARIO PARA, PREMEDITADAMENTE, GENERALIZAR EL MIEDO EN TODO EL PAÍS, SE ENFRENTA AHORA A LAS VOCES DIGNAS Y ORGANIZADAS DE FAMILIARES DE VÍCTIMAS DE ESA GUERRA.

ESTAS VOCES QUE SURGEN DE DIFERENTES RINCONES DE NUESTRO PAÍS NOS CONVOCAN A MOVILIZARNOS Y MANIFESTARNOS PARA DETENER LA LOCURA ORGANIZADA Y DESORGANIZADA QUE ESTÁ COBRANDO VIDAS INOCENTES, QUE SON NUEVAMENTE ASESINADAS AL SER CALIFICADAS, POR LA SIMPLEZA GUBERNAMENTAL, COMO SICARIOS O VÍCTIMAS COLATERALES.

RESPONDIENDO A ESE LLAMADO QUE NACE, ENTRE OTROS, DEL DOLOR DEL COMPAÑERO POETA JAVIER SICILIA, EL EZLN COMUNICA:

PRIMERO.- BASES DE APOYO DEL EZLN MARCHARÁN EN SILENCIO EN LA CIUDAD DE SAN CRISTÓBAL DE LAS CASAS, CHIAPAS, EL DÍA 7 DE MAYO DEL 2011, PARA SALUDAR Y APOYAR LA DIGNA VOZ QUE RECLAMA JUSTICIA. EL CONTINGENTE ZAPATISTA PARTIRÁ, EN HORAS DE LA TARDE, DE LA CALLE FRENTE AL CIDECI, EN SAN CRISTÓBAL DE LAS CASAS, Y MARCHARÁ HASTA LA PLAZA DE LA PAZ, FRENTE A LA CATEDRAL. AL LLEGAR A LA PLAZA SE LEERÁ UN MENSAJE DEL EZLN Y DESPUÉS L@S ZAPATISTAS RETORNARÁN A SUS COMUNIDADES.

SEGUNDO.- SIGUIENDO LA CONVOCATORIA DE LA LLAMADA MARCHA NACIONAL POR LA JUSTICIA Y CONTRA LA IMPUNIDAD, LLAMAMOS A NUESTR@S COMPAÑER@S DE LA OTRA CAMPAÑA EN MÉXICO Y EN EL MUNDO, A L@S INDIVIDU@S, GRUPOS, COLECTIVOS, ORGANIZACIONES, MOVIMIENTOS Y PUEBLOS ORIGINARIOS ADHERENTES A LA SEXTA DECLARACIÓN DE LA SELVA LACANDONA, PARA QUE, EN LA MEDIDA DE SUS POSIBILIDADES Y EN SUS CONDICIONES, SE SUMEN A LA JUSTA DEMANDA DE ESTA MARCHA NACIONAL, SEA ACOMPAÑANDO LA MARCHA CENTRAL QUE PARTE DE LA CIUDAD DE CUERNAVACA, MORELOS, EL DÍA 5 DE MAYO DEL 2011, EN LA CIUDAD DE MÉXICO EL DÍA 8 DE MAYO DEL 2011, O ENTRE LOS DÍAS 5 Y 8 DE MAYO DEL 2011 EN SUS LOCALIDADES MEDIANTE MARCHAS EN SILENCIO CON MANTAS Y CARTELES, MÍTINES, ACTOS CULTURALES, ETC., CON LAS SIGUIENTES CONSIGNAS:

¡ALTO A LA GUERRA DE CALDERÓN!

¡NO MÁS SANGRE!

¡ESTAMOS HASTA LA MADRE DE…!
(donde cada quien complete la frase con sus demandas particulares).

TERCERO.- HACEMOS UN LLAMADO ESPECIAL A NUESTR@S COMPAÑER@S DE LA OTRA EN CHIAPAS PARA QUE SE MANIFIESTEN, EN SILENCIO, JUNTO A NOSOTR@S EL DÍA 7 DE MAYO DEL 2011 Y QUE SE REÚNAN EN EL CIDECI, EN SAN CRISTÓBAL DE LAS CASAS, CHIAPAS, AL MEDIODÍA, PARA DE AHÍ CAMINAR HASTA LA PLAZA DE LA PAZ.

CUARTO.- CONVOCAMOS A NUESTR@S COMPAÑER@S DE LA ZEZTA INTERNACIONAL A QUE, EN SUS RESPECTIVAS GEOGRAFÍAS Y CALENDARIOS, APOYEN ESTA DEMANDA DE QUE SE DETENGA EL BAÑO DE SANGRE QUE OCURRE EN TIERRAS MEXICANAS Y SE HAGA JUSTICIA A LAS VÍCTIMAS.

QUINTO.- LLAMAMOS TAMBIÉN A LOS PUEBLOS ORIGINARIOS DE MÉXICO, AGRUPADOS EN EL CONGRESO NACIONAL INDÍGENA, A QUE APOYEN ESTA LUCHA POR TERMINAR LA PESADILLA DE SANGRE QUE ENVUELVE NUESTROS SUELOS.

SEXTO.- RESPONDIENDO AL EXHORTO DE NOMBRAR A LAS VÍCTIMAS DE ESTA GUERRA, NOMBRAMOS A LOS ASESINADOS POR UN GRUPO CRIMINAL EN VILLAS DE SALVÁRCAR, CIUDAD JUÁREZ, CHIHUAHUA, A FINALES DE ENERO DEL 2010, Y QUE ESPERAN JUSTICIA:

Marcos Piña Dávila
José Luis Piña Dávila
Rodrigo Cadena Dávila
Juan Carlos Medrano
Horacio Alberto Soto Camargo
José Luis Aguilar Camargo
Yomira Aurora Delgado
Brenda Ivonne Escamilla

José Adrian Encino Hernández
Edgar Martínez Díaz
Jesús Enríquez
Jesús Armando Segovia Ortiz
Carlos Lucio Moreno
Eduardo Becerra.
Jaime Rosales

¡NO ESTÁN SOLOS!

¡DEMOCRACIA!
¡LIBERTAD!
¡JUSTICIA!

Desde las montañas del Sureste Mexicano.
POR EL COMITÉ CLANDESTINO REVOLUCIONARIO INDÍGENA-COMANDANCIA GENERAL DEL EJÉRCITO ZAPATISTA DE LIBERACIÓN NACIONAL

Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos.
México, Abril del 2011.

Request for Signatures of Support

2011-04-22T10:51:00.000-07:00

Worldwide Declaration in Support of the Indigenous Tseltal Peoples of San Sebastián Bachajón, Chiapas, Adherents of The Other Campaign

Within the context of the “5 MORE Days of Worldwide Action for the Bachajón 5” campaign, which will take place from the 24 to the 28 of April, the Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center and Movement for Justice in El Barrio, The Other Campaign New York, have written the following declaration with the goal of collecting signatures of support. We ask that you please send the signatures, with the name of your organization or collective and country, no later than April 28, 2011, to this address:movimientoporjusticiadelbarrio@yahoo.com

After this date, we will send you the declaration with all the signatures, so that together we can circulate them widely and demand the release of the five political prisoners of Bachajón.

---------------------------------------

Worldwide Declaration in Support of the Indigenous Tzeltal Peoples of San Sebastián Bachajón, Chiapas, Adherents of The Other Campaign

In Chiapas, Mexico, the investment in eco-tourism and infrastructure, in the logic of governmental “development” via the “Palenque Integrally Planned Center” (CIPP), which is also part of another more ambitious project called “Mesoamérica” (previously known as Plan Puebla Panamá), remains a central dispute against the construction of alternatives ways of life offered by the native peoples of Chiapas.

They have for many years sought the recognition of their autonomy as indigenous peoples within a framework of “free determination” and in practice are exercising their autonomy. These are peoples who have historically conserved their natural resources and territory in equilibrium with humane and rational relationships. The civil resistance of the ejidatarios of San Sebastián Bachajón (SSB), adherents to The Other Campaign (TOC) in the Agua Azul region can be found within this struggle for survival.

People who fight in defense of their rights face numerous forces, emanating from the neoliberal governments, which seek to destroy the organization and efforts to build other possible worlds. Today, the government of Chiapas continues to arbitrarily detain five ejidatarios of SSB of TOC, who are subjected to endless harassment and threats.

Innocent of their accused crimes, these ejidatarios are victims of the corrupted Mexican justice system, which obeys the interests of national and international investment. This system works to repress and destroy the communities, organizations, and individuals who do not coincide with the neoliberal government’s interests – interests that ravage and bring death to those who strive for a life where human rights are fully developed and lived.

The most recent repression that the ejidatarios have faced occurred on April 9, 2011, when around 800 agents of state, federal, and military police forces displaced roughly 126 ejidadatrios of SSB and TOC who just hours earlier had regained control of the tollbooth. It was, moreover, this same tollbooth that was seized from them on February 2, as part of a concerted effort by the Chiapas government and “officials” of the ejido. The Agua Azul region has become a perfect example of how state and federal governments exercise the full force of the State towards the historical displacement of indigenous peoples from their territory.

Due to the innumerable violations of human rights committed against the ejidatarios of SSB of TOC, the collectives, committees, social organizations and civil society, we pronounce the following:

1. Respect for the right of the Tseltal people of San Sebastián Bachajón to free determination and to exercise their autonomy as stipulated in the Agreement (No. 169) regarding indigenous and tribal peoples in independent countries; United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the San Andrés Accords, Document 1, 3. 1. Document 2, II, IV (2. 3.); Document 3.1 (c, d); Document 1, Principle of the New Relationship 5.

2. Respect for the right to use and enjoy their natural resources, which as indigenous peoples they have protected for centuries, as referenced in the Agreement (No. 169) regarding indigenous and tribal peoples in independent countries: art. 13.2; United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. San Andrés Accords, 1.4 B. 2.; Document 1, Principle of the New Relationship 2.

3. The immediate release of Jerónimo Guzmán Méndez, ejidatario of TOC; Domingo Pérez Álvaro, member of the Commission to Promote TOC; Juan Aguilar Guzmán, head cashier of TOC; Domingo García Gómez, member of the Human Rights Defense Committee; Mariano Demeza Silvano, adolescent member of TOC.

4. The immediate withdrawal of the police and military entities that maintain under siege the area of the San Sebastián Bachajón ejido, concretely, from the entrances to the Agual Azul resort that is presently administered by the state and federal governments.

Fray Ba: Acción Urgente -- Riesgo de represión policial contra tseltales adherentes a La Otra Campaña del ejido San Sebastián Bachajón

2011-04-10T10:35:00.000-07:00

San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, México
a 8 de abril de 2011

Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas, A.C.

En peligro la integridad física, psicológica y la vida de las y los indígenas tseltales adherentes de

La Otra Campaña del ejido San Sebastián Bachajón.

Este Centro de Derechos Humanos tiene conocimiento que el día de hoy, aproximadamente a las 6:00 hrs., los y las adherentes a La Otra Campaña del ejido San Sebastián Bachajón recuperaron de manera pacífica la caseta de cobro al centro ecoturístico Cascadas de Agua Azul y otras instalaciones construidas por los y las adherentes para proyectos colectivos, mismos que habían sido tomadas el 2 de febrero por el grupo oficialista bajo la protección y el plan ejecutado por el gobierno del estado de Chiapas.

Este Centro de Derechos Humanos cuenta con información que la recuperación de la caseta fue de manera pacífica. Posteriormente el gobierno de Chiapas ha realizado movimientos policiales en la región, que controlan el crucero de Agua Azul, y otros lugares cercanos. Según información recibida alrededor de las 16:14 horas el crucero de Agua Azul fue bloqueado por cerca de 200 elementos de Policía Estatal Preventiva (PEP). Al pasar las horas el número de efectivos policiacos se ha ido incrementando en la zona. Así mismo se cuenta con información que en el tramo carretero Ocosingo-Palenque hay un constante movimiento policiaco hacia Agua Azul, además de que en la región hay presencia militar.

Las y los adherentes de la Otra Campaña, han manifestado su temor a ser reprimidos por las fuerzas policiales y militares que se encuentran en actitud intimidatoria y de constante hostigamiento.

Por lo anterior, este Centro de Derechos Humanos manifiesta su preocupación por el riesgo a la seguridad, a la integridad personal, libertad personal y a la vida, de los y las adherentes de La Otra Campaña de San Sebastián Bachajón y de la población de esa región, ya que el gobierno del estado de Chiapas, puede realizar actos de represión, lo que derivaría en violaciones a los Derechos Humanos, cuyos derechos están contemplados en diversos instrumentos internacionales que el Estado mexicano se comprometió a respetar ante la comunidad internacional.

Ante la gravedad de los hechos exhortamos a la comunidad nacional e internacional a exigir a las autoridades del gobierno mexicano:

1.- Se garantice la integridad física y psicológica, la libertad personal y la vida, de las y los adherentes de La Otra Campaña de San Sebastián Bachajón, municipio de Chilón, Chiapas.

2.- El retiro inmediato de los elementos de la Policía Estatal Preventiva y del Ejército mexicano, en la región de Agua Azul, ubicado en el territorio del Pueblo tseltal del ejido San Sebastián Bachajón.

3.- Se respete los derechos que se encuentran en la Declaración de las Naciones Unidas sobre los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas y en el Convenio No. 169 de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo, demandadas por las y los indígenas tseltales adherentes de La Otra Campaña del Ejido San Sebastián Bachajón.

Envíe sus llamamientos a:

Lic. Felipe de Jesús Calderón Hinojosa

Presidente de la República

Residencia Oficial de los Pinos

Casa Miguel Alemán

Col. San Miguel Chapultepec,

C.P. 11850, México DF

Tel: (52.55) 2789.1100 Fax: (52.55) 5277.2376
Correo: felipe.calderon@presidencia.gob.mx

Lic. José Francisco Blake Mora

Secretario de Gobernación

Bucareli 99, 1er. Piso, Col. Juárez,

Del. Cuauhtémoc,

C.P. 06600 México D.F.

Fax: (52.55) 50933414
Correo: secretario@segob.gob.mx, contacto@segob.gob.mx

Lic. Juan José Sabines Guerrero
Gobernador Constitucional del Estado de Chiapas
Palacio de Gobierno del Estado de Chiapas, 1er Piso
Av. Central y Primera Oriente, Colonia Centro, C.P. 29009
Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Chiapas, México
Fax: +52 961 61 88088 ? + 52 961 6188056
Extensión 21120. 21122
Correo: secparticular@chiapas.gob.mx

Dr. Noé Castañón León
Secretario General de Gobierno del Estado de Chiapas
Palacio de Gobierno del Estado de Chiapas, 2do Piso
Av. Central y Primera Oriente, Colonia Centro, C.P. 29009
Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Chiapas, México
Conmutador: + 52 (961) 61 2-90-47, 61 8-74-60
Extensión: 20003
Correo: secretario@secgobierno.chiapas.gob.mx

Enviar copia a:

Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas, A.C.
Calle Brasil 14, Barrio Méxicanos,
29240 San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, México
Tel: 967 6787395, 967 6787396, Fax: 967 6783548
Correo: accionurgente@frayba.org.mx

--

Área de Sistematización e Incidencia / Comunicación
Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas A.C.
Calle Brasil #14, Barrio Mexicanos,
San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, México
Código Postal: 29240
Tel +52 (967) 6787395, 6787396, 6783548
Fax +52 (967) 6783551
medios@frayba.org.mx
www.frayba.org.mx

About Wars: A Fragment of the First Letter from SI Marcos to Don Luis Villoro

2011-02-15T14:19:00.000-08:00

Nawal El Saadawi: "Asisto todos los días a las manifestaciones!"

2011-01-31T09:40:00.000-08:00

Convocatoria al Encuentro de familiares, colectivos, amigos y organizaciones de desaparecidas/os de la Otra Campaña

2011-01-31T09:33:00.000-08:00

Convocatoria al Encuentro de familiares, colectivos, amigos y
organizaciones de desaparecid@s de la Otra Campaña

ENCUENTRO DE FAMILIARES, COLECTIVOS, AMIGOS Y ORGANIZACIONES
DE DESAPARECID@S DE LA OTRA CAMPAÑA

QUE DESAPAREZCA EL CAPITALISMO, ¡NO A LA DESAPARICIÓN DE PERSONAS!

El Comité de Madres de Desaparecidos Políticos de Chihuahua; la Unión
de Madres con Hijos Desaparecidos de Sinaloa; el Comité de Familiares
y Amigos de Secuestrados, Desaparecidos y Asesinados de Guerrero;
Familiares de Virginia y Daniela Ortiz Ramírez de Oaxaca (MULT); la
Comisión para la Defensa de los Bienes Comunales de Ostula; el Comité
Contra la Tortura y la Impunidad (CCTI), Familiares del D.F y
Aguascalientes (¡UníoS!), y la Red Contra la Represión y por la
Solidaridad (RvsR), vemos con profunda preocupación el incremento de
las desapariciones forzadas y la nula solución a nuestras demandas: la
presentación con vida, el esclarecimiento del paradero de los
detenidos desaparecidos y el castigo a los culpables.

A lo anterior y para redoblar la resistencia, y la lucha colectiva,
para fortalecer la organización, y la familia, y la denuncia en contra
de la violencia del estado capitalista, de la desaparición forzada,
Abajo y a la Izquierda.

Para avanzar en la comprensión de la represión y de la desaparición
forzada de personas que nos permita soñar y trazar los rumbos, la
construcción de otro mundo sin represión, explotación, despojo y
desprecio.

Para fortalecer las relaciones y los vínculos entre los familiares,
colectivos y organizaciones que permitan generar un plan conjunto de
actividades y campañas contra la desaparición forzada, la presentación
con vida, el esclarecimiento del paradero de los detenidos
desaparecidos y el castigo a los culpables.

CONVOCAMOS al Encuentro de familiares, colectivos, amigos y
organizaciones de desaparecid@s de la Otra Campaña, en homenaje y como
un reconocimiento a las Doñas que han fallecido, que nunca dejaron de
luchar por encontrar a sus hijos e hijas, en especial a Doña María de
Jesús Caldera de Barrón (Doña Chuyita) de la Unión de Madres con Hijos
desaparecidos de Sinaloa. Con la certeza de que habremos de honrar su
memoria manteniendo y desarrollando firmemente la lucha en contra de
la desaparición forzada de nuestros familiares y compañeros por parte
del estado mexicano.

La reunión se llevará a cabo el 20 de febrero de 2011 en la Ciudad de
México a partir de las 10:00 horas en el local de UníoS, ubicado en
Doctor Carmona y Valle No. 32, colonia Doctores.

Con el siguiente

ORDEN DEL DÍA

1. Sobre desaparición forzada en general: definición, caracterización
política (70-80s, y las actuales) y sobre las legislaciones nacionales
e internacionales.

2. Quienes son nuestros detenidos desaparecidos, por estados.
Caracterización política sobre las personas detenidas desaparecidas;
los responsables: instituciones y personas.

3. Sobre prevención.

4. Situación de las Doñas, colectivos y organizaciones de detenidos
desaparecidos.

5. Campañas generales (contra la desaparición, denunciando la
situación en que prevalecen los casos de nuestros familiares y
compañeros) y específicas en casos urgentes o recientes.

POR LA PRESENTACIÓN CON VIDA, EL ESCLARECIMIENTO DEL PARADERO DE LOS
DETENIDOS DESAPARECIDOS
Y EL CASTIGO A LOS CULPABLES

QUE DESAPAREZCA EL CAPITALISMO,
¡NO A LA DESAPARICIÓN DE PERSONAS!

Red Contra la Represión y por la Solidaridad (RvsR)

http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2011/01/31/convocatoria-al-encuentro-de-familiares-colectivos-amigos-y-organizaciones-de-desaparecids-de-la-otra-campana/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+EnlaceZapatista+%28Enlace+Zapatista%29

Zapatistas: The war with no breath? - Chris Arsenault

2011-01-17T13:32:00.000-08:00

All the Right Enemies: Farewell to the Utterly Unique John Ross - Frank Bardacke

2011-01-17T13:09:00.000-08:00

All the Right Enemies

Farewell to the Utterly Unique John Ross

By FRANK BARDACKE

John’s gone. John Ross. I doubt that we will ever see anyone remotely like him again.

The bare bones, as he would say, are remarkable enough. Born to show business Communists in New York City in 1938, he had minded Billie Holliday’s dog, sold dope to Dizzy Gillespie, and vigiled at the hour of the Rosenberg execution, all before he was sixteen years old. An aspiring beat poet, driven by D.H. Lawrence’s images of Mexico, he arrived at the Tarascan highlands of Michoacan at the age of twenty, returning to the U.S. six years later in 1964, there to be thrown in the Federal Penitentiary at San Pedro, for refusing induction into the army.

Back on the streets of San Francisco eighteen months later, he joined the Progressive Labor Movement, then a combination of old ex-CPers fleeing the debased party and young poets and artists looking for revolutionary action. For a few years he called the hip, crazy, Latino 24th and Mission his “bio-region,” as he ran from the San Francisco police and threw dead rats at slumlords during street rallies of the once powerful Mission Coalition.

When the not so ex-Stalinists drove him and others out of P.L. (“break the poets’ pencils” was the slogan of the purge) he moved up north to Arcata where he became an early defender of the forest and the self-described town clown and poet in residence. From there it was Tangier and the Maghreb, the Basque country, anti-nuke rallies in Ireland, and then back to San Francisco, where he finally found his calling as a journalist. “Investigative poet” was the title he preferred, and in 1984, he was dispatched by Pacific News Service to Latin America, where he walked with the Sendero Luminoso, broke bread with the Tupac Amaru, and hung out with cadres of the M-19.

In 1985, after the earthquake, he moved into the Hotel Isabela in the Centro Historico of Mexico City, where for the next 25 years he wrote the very best accounts in English (no one is even a close second) of the tumultuous adventures of Mexican politics.

During the Mexican years, he managed to write nine books in English, a couple more in Spanish, and a batch of poetry chapbooks, all the while he was often on the road, taking a bus to the scene of a peasant rebellion or visiting San Francisco or becoming a human shield in Baghdad, or protecting a Palestinian olive harvest from marauding Israeli settlers.

John Ross at Dead of the Dead celebration.

He died this morning, a victim of liver cancer, at the age of 73, just where he wanted to, in the village of Tepizo, Michoacan, in the care of his dear friends, Kevin and Arminda.

That’s the outline of the story. Then there was John. Even in his seventies, a tall imposing figure with a narrow face, a scruffy goatee and mustache, a Che T-shirt covered by a Mexican vest, a Palestinian battle scarf thrown around his neck, bags of misery and compassion under his eyes, offset by his wonderful toothless smile and the cackling laugh that punctuated his comical riffs on the miserable state of the universe.

He was among the last of the beats, master of the poetic rant, committed to the exemplary public act, always on the side of the poor and defeated. His tormentors defined him. A sadistic prison dentist pulled six of his teeth. The San Francisco Tac Squad twice bludgeoned his head, ruining one eye and damaging the other. The guards of Mexico’s vain, poet-potentate Octavio Paz beat him to the ground in a Mexico City airport, and continued to kick him while he was down. Israeli settlers pummeled him with clubs until he bled, and wrecked his back forever.

He had his prickly side. He hated pretense, pomposity and unchecked power wherever he found it. Losing was important to him. Whatever is the dictionary opposite of an opportunist—that’s what John was. He never got along with an editor, and made it a matter of principle to bite the hand that fed him. It got so bad, he left so few bridges unburnt, that in order to read his wonderful weekly dispatches in the pre-internet years, I had to subscribe to an obscure newsletter, a compilation of Latin American news, and then send more money to get the editors to send along John’s column. [John had a relationship lasting many years with CounterPunch, publishing hundreds of dispatches, with only trifling hiccups with the editors. AC/JSC.]

He had his sweet side, too. He was intensely loyal to his friends, generous with all he had, proud of his children, grateful for Elizabeth’s support and collaboration, and wonderful, warm company at an evening meal. When my son, Ted, arrived in Mexico in 1990, John helped him get a job, find a place to live, introduced him around, and became his Sunday companion and confidant, as they huddled in front of John’s 11-inch TV watching the weekly broadcasts of NBA games.

He was a great, true sports fan, especially of basketball. One of the last times I saw him was at a friend’s house in San Francisco, in between radiation treatments, watching a Warriors game on a big screen TV, smoking what he still called the “killer weed.” Joe and I listened to him recount NY Knicks history, the origin of the jump shot, and Kareem’s last game, which somehow led to a long complaint about kidneys for sale in Mexico that had been harvested in China out of the still warm body of some poor, rural immigrant who had been legally executed for jaywalking in Beijing.

John Ross earlier this year. Photo: Joe Blum.

The very last time I had the pleasure of his company was at breakfast in Los Angeles when Ted and I saw him off on his last book tour, promoting El Monstruo, his loving history of Mexico City. He was in great form. His cancer was in remission—a “cancer resister,” he called himself—and he entertained us with a preview of his trip: long, tiresome Greyhound rides, uncomfortable couches, talks to tiny groups of the marginalized, the last defenders of lost causes without the money to buy his books. It would be a losing proposition, like so many of his others, all of which secure his place among the angels.

Frank Bardacke taught at Watsonville Adult School, California’s Central Coast, for 25 years. His history of the United Farm Workers and Cesar Chavez, Trampled in the Vintage, is forthcoming from Verso. He can be reached at bardacke@sbcglobal

Un Juan que llegó del norte - Hermann Bellinghausen

2011-01-17T13:06:00.000-08:00

eoyorquino trasplantado a San Francisco para acabar redomadamente chilango, John Ross, animal de ciudad, pertenece a una rara especie semisalvaje imposible de domesticar. A tantos años de conocerlo, a manera de hermano mayor, sé que en condiciones normales pudimos distanciarnos varias veces, pero con John no existe nada parecido a condiciones normales, así que arrimado como está a su orilla última en el lago de Pátzcuaro, donde decidió morir, declaro que no escupiré sobre su tumba.

Poeta, reportero de la Historia de abajo, novelista ocasional, pacifista revolucionario de tiempo completo,new journalist sin proponérselo, considerado una de los últimos beatniks (aunque sobreviva su amigo y a veces editor Lawrence Ferlinghetti), lo que John ha sido siempre es, en sus propias palabras, un troublemaker. Unprovocateur en toda la línea, irreverente, iracundo, obstinado. Una larga vida de desafiar a las policías de California, Bagdad o el Distrito Federal; a los ejércitos de Estados Unidos, Perú, México e Israel; no pocas veces garroteado, encarcelado, gaseado. Una lejana paliza cuando protestaba contra la guerra de Vietnam (de la que fue el primer objetor de conciencia ever) le costó años de padecimientos oculares y la final pérdida de un ojo que trocó por vidrio. Su última golpiza la recibió del ejército israelí por defender los olivares palestinos de Nablus.

Cuando Washington decidió invadir el Irak de Saddam Hussein en busca falaz de armas de destrucción masiva, John se lanzó a Bagdad como escudo humano de la población iraquí. Allí se peleó bien grueso con el actor-activista Sean Penn. Como ya parece que lo iba a estar aguantando la policía del sátrapa, lo echaron a pocos días de la guerra. Troublemaker. Después trabajó en favor de los refugiados y editó Iraqui Girl (Haymarket Books, 2009), libro encantador y terrible con los diarios públicos de una vivaz jovencita creciendo en Mosul bajo la ocupación yanqui.

Su innato rechazo a las injusticias, abonado por sus padres izquierdistas, no parece haberle servido de mucho para ser justo en su vida personal, indómita y turbulenta como su existencia pública. Independientemente del padre ausente que fue, uno de su hijos, Dante Ross, dominaría la escenahip hop de Nueva York en impulso de los Beastie Boys y Queen Latifah, pero también Santana y Korn. A manera de armisticio, Dante y John recientemente escribieron una memoria conjunta:From Be Bop To Hip Hop.

El jazz es parte medular de su mundo. Poeta sincopado, performancero de voz y de gesto, llegó a ser acompañado por Charlie Mingus y frecuentó a Don Cherry, aunque para él, ateo integral, si Dios existió alguna vez se llamó Thelonius Monk. A finales de 2010, cuando ya sabía contados sus días, se dedicó a escuchar al Monje y leer, corrigiéndola en voz alta, una nueva biografía del pianista (de Robin DG Kelley, Free Press, 2009). Y el pasado Día de Muertos salió a la calle con una T-shirt negra de Monk, lo más discreto de su atuendo esa noche.

En San Francisco, California, el Día de Muertos se empalma imaginativamente con el Halloween de las vísperas, y en medio de la celebración tradicional de los mexicanos, en las calles desfila gente con el rostro pintado de calaca y disfraces extravagantes. Esa noche, apoyado en su bastón (potencial arma defensiva), salió John a caminar por el atestado barrio de La Misión con la cara pintada de muerte, una corona de cempasúchil y una bolsa transparente colgándole a la altura del costado con un hígado crudo de res. El detalle goryhizo que la gente le preguntara qué significaba, y él, desdeñoso, explicaba que se moría de cáncer hepático y era un muerto andando. Si se pasó la vida en un happening ambulante y sin concesiones, no iba a desperdiciar la oportunidad de convertir su agonía en un acontecimiento público. Una protesta más, contra la traicionera vida esta vez.

John Ross en 2003Foto Guillermo Sologuren

Un dato pinta sus contradicciones: entre 1994 y 2006 escribió tres volúmenes, unas mil páginas, detallando el movimiento zapatista de Chiapas en tres sexenios (esa medida tan mexicana). Editados por Common Courage y Nation Books, y desconocidos en México, sus libros presentaron y documentaron esa lucha indígena para miles de estadunidenses que lo leyeron o escucharon en sus varias giras nacionales por Estados Unidos. En universidades, barrios, casas de cultura, librerías, radios y teatros, Ross fungió de propagandista extraordinario. Pero en 2006 rompió con el zapatismo, escribió exabruptos bárbaros y propinó a todo un periodo de su obra un golpe destructivo del que jamás recapacitó. Típico John.

Un milagro que él mismo no sabría explicar es la fidelidad de sus amigos más verdaderos en Humboldt (donde fue vecino de Captain Beefheart), San Francisco, Defe y Michoacán. Personas que en su largo descenso al río del olvido sortearon amorosamente sus insolencias.

Animal del Centro Histórico (ese monte agreste), durante 25 años anidó en un cuarto del hotel Isabel y se juntó con la pura banda baja del barrio, ajeno a capillas políticas o literarias. Parroquiano histórico del Café La Blanca en Cinco de Mayo, empezó cada mañana del resto de su vida caminando a Tacuba por sus The New York Times y La Jornada, la sangre de tinta que le corría por las venas y que él, casi ciego, literalmente leyó con lupa.

En su país es autor de culto, temido, reconocido, inclasificable. Por años se dedicó a contarles a los gringos qué pasaba en México. Sus rabiosas columnas corrían como pólvora en papel e Internet. Publicaciones comoHarpers y Village Voice lo reseñaron con respeto, el Bay Guardian lo adoptó como voz tutelar, y todavía hace unas semanas Time destacó sus cáusticas interpretaciones sobre lanarcoinsurgencia y la guerra de Calderón en el bicentenario mexicano.

Su prosa magistral posee un entusiasmo a la Hemingway. Resulta curioso que aquí su obra sea prácticamente inédita, siendo que en su mayor parte trata de México, incluido su magno fresco El Monstruo, pavor y redención en la ciudad de México(2009). Esa inexistencia quizá le dio movilidad y libertad.

Aquejado de achaques terminales, el muy cabrón ya nos tiene redactando su necrológica antes de formalmente estirar sus largas y fuertes patas de gringo viejo. A pesar de su inclinación a las revoluciones populares, hoy me resulta más afín a Ambrose Bierce, por viejo y por diablo, que a su tocayo y obvio precursor John Reed. En sus cortas horas finales de conciencia al día, dopado contra el dolor con sustancias (legales esta vez), aún protesta. Ahora, porque no puede vivir, pero no consigue morir. Los árboles grandes son difíciles de tumbar.

LA AUTONOMÍA ANTE LOS NUEVOS CICLOS DEL CAPITAL - Raúl Zibechi

2011-01-16T23:10:00.001-08:00

LA AUTONOMÍA ANTE LOS NUEVOS CICLOS DEL CAPITAL
Raúl Zibechi
(14 de enero 2010, La Jornada)

Si durante los primeros años de la década pasada los movimientos antisistémicos ocuparon el centro del escenario político latinoamericano, ese lugar de privilegio le corresponde ahora a los estados, administrados por fuerzas de signo distinto a las que protagonizaron las reformas neoliberales. Por más que los gobiernos que emergieron del formidable ciclo de luchas que deslegitimó el Consenso de Washington sean afines a los movimientos, éstos no pueden delegar sus objetivos emancipatorios en los estados-nación, que necesariamente tienen una lógica diferente como acaba de manifestarse en la reciente crisis boliviana a raíz del gasolinazo decretado por el 
presidente Evo Morales.

La acción colectiva suele activarse en periodos de crisis económica y de crisis de la gobernabilidad, o sea cuando el mercado no puede garantizar la sobrevivencia de la población y cuando el Estado no tiene la legitimidad suficiente para mantener el orden. Dicho de otro modo, por las grietas que cada tanto las sordas resistencias del abajo consiguen abrir en el modelo de dominación, se activan grandes 
movimientos que a veces amenazan el orden hegemónico, y se tejen múltiples organizaciones. Una vez que pasa el pico de la crisis, la economía recupera su dinamismo y se forman nuevos gobiernos con mayores dosis de legitimidad, el activismo social decae, los movimientos se marchitan y abajo se instalan la desmoralización y la confusión.

A este proceso habitual se ha denominado ciclo de luchas. Uno de los problemas que conlleva el hecho de que la acción social se produzca de modo cíclico (flujo/reflujo) es que en los periodos de retroceso se pierde el potencial organizado y se disipa la conciencia adquirida, de modo que cuando se relanza la acción buena parte de la energía debe dedicarse a reconstruir la organización social y política. Uno de los 
mayores desafíos de los movimientos y los militantes antisistémicos consistió siempre en autonomizarse de los ciclos de luchas, o sea de los ciclos del capital.

En periodos anteriores, los revolucionarios intentaron superar estos vaivenes que destruyen buena parte de la fuerza social y política construida en el apogeo de la movilización a través de partidos políticos permanentes, que pretendían encarnar el aprendizaje de cada ciclo para trasladarlo al siguiente. La historia mostró que tienen tres problemas: uno, que lo aprendido durante un ciclo es de poca utilidad en el siguiente. Dos, que los aparatos partidarios se burocratizan y empiezan a tener intereses propios, con lo que se convierten en obstáculos una vez que se relanza la lucha. Tres, que sigue habiendo un hiato entre los cuadros organizados y la base 
social, que es arrastrada hacia la integración al sistema cada vez que la economía y la gobernabilidad recuperan fuerza para atraer productores, consumidores y gestores estatales.

Los actuales movimientos antisistémicos en América Latina, sobre todo los indígenas, los campesinos y crecientemente los urbanos, tienen características diferentes a las del viejo movimiento obrero. La principal es que han puesto en pie una economía otra, o sea iniciativas capaces de producir una parte de los valores de uso que 
necesitan las personas. Me refiero a las fábricas recuperadas, los talleres productivos de alimentos y de otros bienes, materiales y simbólicos, vinculados a la salud, la educación, la cultura, el ocio, y una infinidad de iniciativas colectivas de base. Esos espacios de producción y reproducción de la vida cotidiana han ganado centralidad en la vida de los oprimidos como nunca antes en la historia del 
capitalismo dependiente urbano. Esas miles de iniciativas, que nacieron en el último ciclo de luchas y que luego decayeron pero no han desparecido, están arraigadas en los territorios de la pobreza, en aquellos espacios que resisten el despojo.

A mi modo de ver encarnan una de las posibilidades de superar la destrucción de la fuerza organizada que en periodos anteriores le ha correspondido a la socialdemocracia y hoy al progresismo. Hay dos condiciones necesarias: la formación y la economía. La primera es ya un patrimonio común de la mayor parte de los movimientos de nuevo tipo, que tienen espacios permanentes de formación autónoma, no sólo de sus miembros sino de sectores más amplios. Sin formación/educación 
será imposible estabilizar una fuerza política con una relativamente amplia base social que no sea culturalmente ganada por el consumismo y la política del sistema.

La segunda premisa es la construcción de algo que podemos denominar una "economía en resistencia", que es hoy una realidad embrionaria y compleja. Puede y debe asentarse en los espacios productivos ya existentes, pero debe ir más lejos para ganar a sectores más amplios que los que están directamente involucrados en la producción. Debe construirse de modo diferente a la economía capitalista, no para acumular sino para asegurar el flujo de valores de uso que deben estar a disposición de todos y todas. De algún modo, esta economía debería estar inspirada en la célebre frase "de cada cual según capacidad, a cada cual según su necesidad". Es apenas un norte, una inspiración, a sabiendas de que estos espacios son codiciados por el Estado y el 
mercado y deben ser defendidos, elevando muros culturales más que políticos, simbólicos más que materiales.

La construcción de autonomía de los de abajo no puede depender de los ciclos del capital, porque sería tanto como negar su carácter autónomo. Hoy sabemos que la autonomía es la principal condición para que el periodo de crisis actual no se diluya en una nueva y monumental frustración, porque supone ir más allá de la actitud reactiva. Sabemos también que no puede hipotecarse en estructuras jerárquicas o 
"estadocéntricas" y que no es la organización lo que resuelve el desafío de la autonomía. Probablemente la combinación de autoeducación sistemática y producción no mercantil nos permita enfrentar la inevitable recuperación del capital en mejores condiciones.

Pronunciamiento de Vícam en Defensa del Agua, la Tierra y la Autonomía de los Pueblos Originarios

2010-12-04T06:34:00.000-08:00

CONGRESO NACIONAL INDÍGENA, CNI.

PRONUNCIAMIENTO DE VÍCAM EN DEFENSA DEL AGUA, LA TIERRA Y LA AUTONOMÍA DE LOS PUEBLOS ORIGINARIOS

REUNIDOS EN LA CASA DEL YAQUI LOS PUEBLOS, TRIBUS Y NACIONES PURÉPECHA, NAHUA, WIXÁRIKA, COCA, ODHAM, YAQUI, MAYO-YOREME, MIXTECO, TRIQUI, TZOTZIL Y OTOMÍ, JUNTO CON INTEGRANTES DE LA SOCIEDAD CIVIL MEXICANA Y DE DIVERSOS PAÍSES DE AMÉRICA, ASIA Y EUROPA PARA CELEBRAR EL PRIMER FORO NACIONAL E INTERNACIONAL EN DEFENSA DEL AGUA, Y RECONOCIENDO QUE:

EL AGUA, NUESTRA MADRE Y NUESTRO PADRE, ES EL FUNDAMENTO, JUNTO CON LA TIERRA, EL CALOR Y EL AIRE, DE NUESTRAS VIDAS Y DE LA EXISTENCIA DE TODO LO QUE SE NACE Y LO QUE SE VIVE; Y POR LO TANTO NO ES UNA COSA QUE SE PUEDA COMPRAR Y VENDER COMO LO PRETENDE EL BRUTAL CAPITALISMO QUE ASESINA A LA MADRE TIERRA;
LA TIERRA, EL AGUA Y TODO LO QUE EN ELLAS SE NACE INTEGRAN LOS TERRITORIOS INMEMORIALES DE NUESTROS PUEBLOS, SIENDO INSEPARABLES ENTRE SÍ, AÚN CUANDO EL NEOLIBERALISMO, EN SU AFÁN DE GANANCIAS, BUSCA ROMPER LA TIERRA PARA FACILITAR LA APROPIACIÓN PRIVADA DE CADA UNO DE SUS ELEMENTOS CONVIRTIÉNDOLOS EN SIMPLES MERCANCÍAS;
LAS GRANDES EMPRESAS NACIONALES Y EXTRANJERAS, CON EL CONCURSO DEL ESTADO MEXICANO, BUSCAN LA APROPIACIÓN DE LOS TERRITORIOS DE NUESTROS PUEBLOS Y DE LOS BIENES DE LA NACIÓN, GENERANDO LEYES, POLÍTICAS ACCIONES PARA LA PRIVATIZACIÓN CAPITALISTA DE LAS AGUAS, RÍOS, PLAYAS, MARES, LAGUNAS, MANANTIALES, TIERRAS, BOSQUES, MINERALES, PLANTAS Y SABERES TRADICIONALES.
EN EL ENCUENTRO DE PUEBLOS INDÍGENAS DE AMÉRICA, REALIZADO LOS DÍAS 11, 12, 13 Y 14 DE OCTUBRE DE 2007 EN ESTE TERRITORIO DE LA TRIBU YAQUI, ACORDAMOS RECHAZAR LA GUERRA DE CONQUISTA Y EXTERMINIO CAPITALISTA IMPUESTA POR LAS EMPRESAS TRASNACIONALES Y LOS ORGANISMOS FINANCIEROS INTERNACIONALES EN COMPLICIDAD CON LAS GRANDES POTENCIAS Y LOS ESTADOS NACIONALES. ASIMISMO ACORDAMOS RECHAZAR LA DESTRUCCIÓN Y EL SAQUEO DE LA MADRE TIERRA A TRAVÉS DE LA OCUPACIÓN DE NUESTROS TERRITORIOS PARA LA REALIZACIÓN DE ACTIVIDADES INDUSTRIALES, MINERAS, AGROEMPRESARIALES, TURÍSTICAS, DE URBANIZACIÓN SALVAJE E INFRAESTRUCTURA, ASÍ COMO LA PRIVATIZACIÓN DEL AGUA, LA TIERRA, LOS BOSQUES, LOS MARES Y LAS COSTAS, LA DIVERSIDAD BIOLÓGICA, EL AIRE, LA LLUVIA, LOS SABERES TRADICIONALES Y TODO AQUELLO QUE SE NACE EN LA MADRE TIERRA, OPONIÉNDONOS A LA CERTIFICACIÓN DE LAS TIERRAS, COSTAS, AGUAS, SEMILLAS, PLANTAS, ANIMALES Y SABERES TRADICIONALES DE NUESTROS PUEBLOS CON EL PROPÓSITO DE PRIVATIZARLOS.

HACEMOS EL SIGUIENTE PRONUNCIAMIENTO:

PRIMERO.- NOS OPONEMOS A LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DEL ACUEDUCTO DE LA PRESA DEL NOVILLO POR PARTE DEL GOBIERNO FEDERAL, EL GOBIERNO DEL ESTADO Y EL EMPRESARIO CARLOS SLIM, MISMO QUE PRETENDE LLEVAR CASI LA TOTALIDAD DE LAS AGUAS DEL RÍO YAQUI AL MUNICIPIO DE HERMOSILLO PARA FAVORECER LOS INTERESES INMOBILIARIOS, TURÍSTICOS Y AGROINDUSTRIALES DEL GRAN CAPITAL; TODA VEZ QUE LA EJECUCIÓN DE DICHO PROYECTO DESPOJARÁ DE SUS AGUAS, SIN CONSULTA PREVIA, A LA TRIBU YAQUI, ANULANDO SU AUTONOMÍA Y SU DERECHO HISTÓRICO SOBRE LA CUENCA DEL RÍO YAQUI, PROVOCANDO LA DESTRUCCIÓN DE SU TERRITORIO Y EL EXTERMINIO DEFINITIVO DE LA TRIBU, ASÍ COMO LA AFECTACIÓN PROFUNDA DEL EQUILIBRIO ECOLÓGICO EN EL SUR DE SONORA Y LA RUINA DE LOS AGRICULTORES DEL VALLE DEL YAQUI.
SEGUNDO.- RECHAZAMOS EL DESPOJO Y LA APROPIACIÓN PRIVADA DEL AGUA, LOS RÍOS, AROYOS, MANANTIALES, AGUAS PROFUNDAS, ESCURRIDEROS, LAGUNAS, ESTEROS, COSTAS, MARES, PLAYAS Y DE TODO LO QUE INTEGRA LOS TERRITORIOS DE NUESTROS PUEBLOS, ASÍ COMO LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE ACUEDUCTOS Y REPRESAS PARA EL ACAPARAMIENTO DEL AGUA Y SU USO COMERCIAL. NOS OPONEMOS ROTUNDAMENTE A QUE EL AGUA, FUNDAMENTO DE LA VIDA, PUEDA SER ACAPARADA POR INTERESES PRIVADOS Y QUE SEA CONSIDERADA COMO UNA MERCANCIA SUSCEPTIBLE DE VENTA Y COMPRA. ASIMISMO NOS OPONEMOS A LA LEYES, REGLAMENTOS Y POLÍTICAS GUBERNAMENTALES TENDIENTES A LA PRIVATIZACIÓN DEL AGUA.
TERCERO.- MANIFESTAMOS NUESTRO DERECHO HISTÓRICO A LA LIBRE DETERMINACIÓN COMO PUEBLOS, NACIONES Y TRIBUS ORIGINARIOS, RESPETANDO LAS DIFERENTES FORMAS QUE PARA EL EJERCICIO DE ESTA DECIDAN NUESTROS PUEBLOS, SEGÚN SU ORIGEN, HISTORIA Y ASPIRACIONES.
CUARTO.- DE FRENTE AL CENTENARIO DE LA REVOLUCIÓN MEXICANA DECIMOS QUE ESTA LUCHA HISTÓRICA, ASÍ COMO LAS ANTERIORES GESTAS, COSTARON MUCHA SANGRE A NUESTROS PUEBLOS Y POCO O NADA OBTUVIMOS A CAMBIO DEL SACRIFICIO QUE HICIERON NUESTROS MÁS VIEJOS ABUELOS PARA CONSTRUIR Y LIBERAR LA PATRIA DE TODOS LOS MEXICANOS, PUES LAS SUCESIVAS CONSTITUCIONES DE 1824, 1857 Y 1917 NI TAN SIQUIERA RECONOCEN NUESTRA EXISTENCIA.
QUINTO.- LLAMAMOS A FORTALECER LA AUTONOMÍA DE NUESTROS PUEBLOS DEFENDIENDO LA TIERRA, EL TERRITORIO, LOS MONTES, LAS AGUAS, LOS SERES ESPIRITUALES Y NATURALES, ASÍ COMO LA CULTURA PROPIAS Y FORTALECIENDO NUESTROS GOBIERNOS, NUESTRAS ASAMBLEAS Y NUESTRAS AUTORIDADES TRADICIONALES Y AGRARIAS BAJO EL PRINCIPIO DE MANDAR OBEDECIENDO.
SEXTO.- RECHAZAMOS LA REPRESIÓN GUBERNAMENTAL Y PARAMILITAR DESATADA EN CONTRA DE NUESTROS PUEBLOS Y ESPECIFICAMENTE EN CONTRA DEL PUEBLO TRIQUI DE OAXACA, LAS COMUNIDADES, CARACOLES Y JUNTAS DE BUEN GOBIERNO ZAPATISTAS DE CHIAPAS, LA COMUNIDAD NAHUA DE SANTA MARÍA OSTULA, MICHOACÁN, Y LA COMUNIDAD TZOTZIL DE MITZITÓN, CHIAPAS; ASIMISMO NOS OPONEMOS AL DESPLAZAMIENTO FORZADO DE QUIENES INTEGRAN EL MUNICIPIO AUTÓNOMO DE SAN JUAN COPALA Y A LA MILITARIZACIÓN DE LA REGIÓN TRIQUI, EXHORTANDO A LAS MUJERES, HOMBRES, NIÑOS, NIÑAS, ANCIANAS Y ANCIANOS QUE INTEGRAN EL PUEBLO TRIQUI A RECONSTRUIR SU UNIDAD COMO PUEBLO, SIN DISTINGO DE ORGANIZACIONES Y SIN LA INTROMISIÓN DE LOS INTERESES EXTERNOS QUE PROVOCAN LA CONFRONTACIÓN DEL PUEBLO TRIQUI.
SEPTIMO.- EXIGIMOS LA INMEDIATA LIBERACIÓN DE TODOS NUESTROS COMPAÑEROS DE LUCHA QUE HOY EL MAL GOBIERNO MANTIENE DENTRO DE LAS PRISIONES PARA INTENTAR CALLAR SU VOZ.
OCTAVO.- SALUDAMOS LA HEROÍCA LUCHA DE LA COMUNIDAD NAHUA DE SAN SALVADOR ATENCO Y MANIFESTAMOS NUESTRO APOYO IRRESTRICTO A SU RESISTENCIA EN CONTRA DE LOS CONTINUADOS PROYECTO QUE BUSCAN EL DESPOJO DE SU TERRITORIO.
NOVENO.- LLAMAMOS A TODOS LOS PUEBLOS INDÍGENAS A SEGUIR CONSTRUYENDO Y FORTALECIENDO AL CONGRESO NACIONAL INDÍGENA COMO LA CASA DE NUESTROS PUEBLOS.

VÍCAM, TERRITORIO DE LA TRIBU YAQUI, A 21 DE NOVIEMBRE DE 2010.

ATENTAMENTE

PUEBLOS, TRIBUS Y NACIONES PARTICIPANTES EN EL PRIMER FORO NACIONAL E INTERNACIONAL EN DEFENSA DEL AGUA

Partial Proceedings of the First Forum in Defense of Water (Yaqui Territory, Community of Vicam)

2010-11-24T19:52:00.000-08:00

First Forum in Defense of Water

Yaqui Territory, Community of Vicam

November 20-21, 2010

The struggle for autonomy and self-determination are irrevocable principals of the Yaqui Tribe.

VICAM (Arrowhead), SONORA 11/20/10

We made our trip in 18 hours leaving Los Angeles at 4 AM stopping several times along the way to pick up Compañer@s, visit families and visit friends. There were eight of us in total, 3 women, 5 men, from Santa Barbara, Los Angeles and Coachella. Represented in our group were Accion Zapatista, South Central Farm Collectiva, and Regeneracion Ome.

Tucson, our lunch stop gave us enough time to catch up with a local compañera who had just finished attending a teach-in put together for local high school youth from four different schools around the Arizona ethnic studies ban and what was at stake for moving the defense of ethnic studies forward. It was a great stop as we got to catch up on the work that was going on locally, and we were also given better directions to get to our destination including which place to cross and how to get to the rural location.

We arrived at Vicam, Sonora just before midnight and were greeted by the Yaqui comandancía and the elder women in charge of hospitality and promptly set up camp. It took a tremendous amount of teamwork to pitch the tent but we all fit inside in the end.

PROTOCOL CEREMONY

The Forum began with the elders, delegates of all the communities that make up the Congresso Nacional Indigena (CNI).

There was a good crowd of about 250-300 people during the opening.

A declaration was made in the Yaqui language acknowledging the communities who came and recalling the agreements that led to the formation of the CNI.

Address by Comandancía:

Friends, CNI, (addressed all)

We are grateful to have all of you who have come, taken time away from your families, work, to come.

Three years ago many of us met and are happy to continue that joint analytical and interpretive work around water, land, autonomy and projects of bad government.We have to continue our work to think through what is happening and to work against it. We welcome you and ask you to join us in good will.

Don Juan (Purepecha, El Murillo):

Good afternoon, everyone, comrades, men, women, ladies, gentlemen, youth, men and women, children...We ask your permission to greet you from the bottom of our heart and with respect. We are her with all of our respect responding to and attending to the call by the Yaqui tribe.

This is the first forum in defense of water, of autonomy in our territory, and to question the bad projects of the bad government, neoliberalism and capitalism that produce death. This forum is important in regards to the fact that we can unite our collective word in defense of life itself, considering that water is a part of our lifeforce.

We were born, the Yaqui tribe, in the margins of the Yaqui river, we are one with the Yaqui river, the Yaqui river is one with the Yaqui tribe. The river is Yaqui children, Yaqui elders, Yaqui youth, Yaqui women, brother and sister and is part of the blood of Mother Earth, it is part of our territory, it is sacred, it is profound, it is a profound relation with existence, with life itself, as a tribe, as a nation, as an indigenous people, or as a barrio, or as a person or persons, in as much, Mother Earth is not for sale. Also what is within our territory like water, the blood of Mother Earth, is also not for sale. We have been stewards of both for generations and it is a responsibility we have inherited from our ancient parents, for millenniums, not just the last 518 years. Also life itself is not for sale. It is lived, shared, respected and is born and returns to Mother Earth always accompanied by water, air, warmth and everything that makes up nature itself.

Our heart and respect, decision, clarity and strength brings us solidarity in the words we will listen to, that we will share, that we will learn, we will collectively construct the means not only to defend the earth and water, but also to keep being who we are, communities, nations, tribes and barrios.

Without our territory, without air, without water and without warmth, all we have is death. For us, water is life. For Capital, for neoliberalism, for the capitalists, water is a commodity. For us, water is life because we depend on it and need it to continue to be who we are, community, society, children, elderly, we must then become one with the earth, water and everything that surrounds us.

We have been reflecting on this problem, listening to the reflections of our brothers and sisters, with whom we have deliberated in the company of other brothers and sisters, among them brother Mario, at different communities, organizations whom we were able to contact, brothers from Jalisco and their link to brothers in Mexico City, with our brothers in Colima, our brothers of Michoacan, brothers and sisters and at the same time asking everyone to share what they heard, to take the word even further, to other brothers and sisters of other states and other regions of our national territory.

Thank you brothers for hosting us. Now with respect we will touch on our own word. I am Juan, Purepecha from El Murillo, and we are in attendance. We are a community that belongs to the Purepecha. Our problems have been just as alarming and the Purepecha has also sustained a resistance in taking care of our territory. Brothers, we will now continue to share our word with each other. We greet you with much respect and with our heart and are grateful and are here to share the work, the word and the themes established in the call. Thank you brothers and sisters.

PRIMER FORO EN DEFENSA DEL AGUA

“Before as it was before, and now as it is now”

Address by Comandancía of Yaqui tribe:

Thank you for hearing the call that water has made. The image of Zapata in a drop of water, we don’t have much more to say than that. We were from here and we have to fight because as Don Juan said earlier, “Water is like blood in our veins, if we lose our water, we lose our lives, it means death.” Here the word is given the right to flourish and we honor the word of the ancestors.

Presentation of Mexican Himno Nacional

Presentation of Himno Zapatista

Address by the National Indigenous Congress:

We are the CNI, a space of reflection of those below and to the left, anti-capitalist, and against acts of bad governance. It is the bridge where the word comes and goes. The collective word, we are children of Mother Earth who with our blood and sweat we have defended.

Our Laws:

to create and not destroy

to convince and not defeat

to descend and not rise above

To obey and not command

To represent and not replace

To propose and not impose

To serve and not serve oneself

“The defense of territory and water are at the heart of our struggle for autonomy.”

Mr. Rojas (Citizens Movement in Defense of Water, Sonora):

“…water is the right of all people…”

Mr. Luisaraga (Mining Union Local Canania, Sonora):

In striking we wage a battle against neoliberalism. The battle for the eight-hour day began in the struggle of 1906 that was linked across all sectors. We are those communities today. We must stand up against Capital’s interest to take those rights we fought for away. We have to fight the expropriation of our nations national resources.

Don Salvador (Registration):

In attendance today we have Ofelia Rivas of the Tohono O’tham from Sonoita, Sonora. We have people in attendance from the state of Mexico, Michoacan, Oaxaca, Durango, Jalisco, Sonora, Hidalgo, Morelos, Aguascalientes.

We have 52 delegates from the following tribes: Mixteca, Triqui, Otomi, Mazahua, Cora, Papago, Purepecha,Wirrarika, Yaqui…

109 observers one from Japan, six from the United States, one from Basque.

For the program we will break up into three work tables, each table will engage all four themes of this forum, Territory, Water, Autonomy and projects of bad government. Each table will have one scribe, one facilitator and a co-facilitator.

Presentation of El Corrido del No al Novillo

WORKGROUP #1

FACILITATOR: DON MARIO Y DON SANTOS

SCRIBE: DON AUGUSTIN

NOVEMBER 20, 2011

Don Mario (Tribu Yaqui, Vicam):

Diverting water from the Yaqui River in order to control it and privatize it is a project of bad government. Ours is a resistance based on life.

We ask that you respect the themes agreed upon in the convocation as well as the table rules. There will be a plenary after the tables.

-time will be limited to five minutes

-please respect the schematic for this work table

-We will start by explaining what is the Congresso Nacional Indigena

We want to focus on the collective word of the tribal communities who have sent delegates to this forum.

Don Refugio (Tula):

The resistance of our community was to take possession of our land in Xayakalan on August 2008.

On February 23-24 Javier Martinez Robles and one other comrade were disappeared.

On April 29 Francisco de Asis Manuel was disappeared.

Four to Five people have been assassinated and more have left the community.

Paramilitaries have terrorized our community to instill fear. We are still in possession of our land.

In regards to water, they also want to privatize our water. They always come around to ask for concessions. Our communities are in agreement not to make any concessions. We have part of the Ocean, we live on the coast, 6-5 communities live on the coast. The government is trying to impose ecologically protected zone laws to protect the turtles, we have done this work of protecting the turtles without the government for ages.

Don Juan (Purepecha, El Murillo): POINT OF ORDER

To change the term possession to the word foreign invasion, as we have reclaimed the land from external forces.

Don Vicente (Pueblo Coca, Mescala, MX):

Why territory? Because within our territory, everything exists.

At the lake of Chapala, We have a primordial title that includes the bodies of water within our territory. The title is from 1734.

We live off of the land by growing vegetables like chayote, our self-sustainability is based upon water. The Mexican government charges for the use of irrigation water, it charges fees for tourism on the water, this is a 200 years old battle that within four years was defeated.

The Mexican government contracted the University of Colima to conduct a study to demarcate the shorline territorial boundaries. But in our primordial title, our property line extends to the center of the lake and it also includes the islands within it.

In the Yaqui community, that same government is trying to exterminate them with the damming of the Yaqui River and the privatization of its water. We must overthrow this bad government.

Don Juan (El Murillo, Purepecha): SYNTHESIS

All forms of intervention are important, but we must formalize and be strategic in our approach. The concept of territory; how to connect territory to autonomy; and how is water related to territory? We are talking about a possession of thousands of years, not one based upon a government. We link territory to water. The other question is regarding autonomy, the defense of the lake and its islands is part of exercising autonomy.

Don Mario (Tribu Yaqui, Vicam):

There are many ways that autonomy is exercised. We need to share the way that we see the problem and see the world.

Don Aristeo (Paracho, Michoacan):

Humanity belongs to the community of all nature. As a community we have to understand why. It can be that the invasion has not ended since the last 500 years, it is because those in power take care of maintaining that power over others.

Don Antonio (Otomí, Mexico, D.F.):

I beg of the National Indigenous Congress, We must stop complaining and start acting!

In 1900 there was article 27, since then there has been reform after reform that has effectively taken the territory of indigenous communities away. Included is Plan Puebla Panama/Plan MesoAmerica that extended a freeway through Puebla, displacing indigenous communities along the way.

As in Chiapas during the forum on territory we discussed this original project, we must act!

Reform? Reform only leads that we be recognized as subjects. How do we exert our voice in order to be heard? Through Revolution, yes, there was a revolution one hundred years ago, we have to take action! How? We have to take actions!

Don Mario (Yaqui, Vicam):

We are beginning to understand that now is the time to act. We must see where our struggles coincide and reinforce our struggles. We are moving slowly, little by little breaking down divisions. We must base our struggle on the points in which they coincide.

Doña Alicia (People in Defense of the Land, San Salvador, Atenco):

The Mexican government has expropriated us of many hectacres of land. There were repressions, jailing, one death and many injured in that struggle.

In 2006 there were two deaths and 214 jailed. Of those who were jailed there are still 12 political prisoners. Three are in a high security prison and nine are in Molino de Flores Federal Prison. Those in Molino de Flores were sentenced to 31 years and those who are in the high security prison were sentenced to 112 years. We are determined to free our political prisoners.

Now the government has started a new project around water. The government is offering to pay us for our land, we have to be careful, there are individuals who are selling their land.

Don Santos (Pueblo Wirrarika, Sierra Madre Occidental):

We live many threats and we struggle for life. The Wirrarikari communities of Nayarit, Jalisco and Durango united in the context of repressions and displacements.

Our struggles are around five sacred sites in our communities:

1) In Durango there is a sacred site where the first human arrived to earth.

2) Lake Chapala is where the goddess of rain rests.

3) There is a sacred site where the goddess of corn rests.

4) In San Luis there is a sacred site where our ancestor Cuayumari (deer) rests and where the sun was born.

5) In Tecate, there is a sacred site where god fire was born.

We were dismembered as a community through colonization, before contact we were whole. We also have in our possession Royal Titles, primordial titles. Our title to San Andres Coniata is a Royal Title from 1765 to 2,000 hectacres. Our ancestors fought for it and we continue to fight. We have received several rulings, four total, the last two recognize our claim. We challenged the idea of possession considering we have always belonged.

On August 11, 2009 we tried to anull the contract as Wirarikari. But the nation state of Mexico does not obey its own laws. They did not take into account their own laws based on the title that recognize our right to live in our territory.

Our struggle has two prongs, Judicial and Action. When we say Wirrarika communities, we have united, but also we have organized with other indigenous groups. We are not going to wait for the government to recognize our authority.

The Mexican nation state judicially introduces various irregularities in regards to territory. We the Wirrarikas have declared our sovereignty in order to exercise our own destiny.

The weapon that we wield and advance is that of self-defense. We as a community, have that right. We can demand to be recognized. Besides, the whole world knows that since 1994-1996, Mexico has committed itself to the San Andres Accords, that we recognize as the supreme law of the land.

We are not going to wait for the state to resolve it, we are gaining strength in exercising our autonomy. This is a move forward for us finally, we are going to unite uner a proclamation of sacred sites around the theme of water.

Don Alberto (Citizens Movement for Water, Sonora):

The Citizens Movement in defense of water is an organization against the displacement of water from the Yaqui river to Hermosillo. It is a project of bad government. The value of water for industrial advancement (maquiladoras) and tourism (Gulf of Mexico) is greater than the value of self-sustaining agriculture.

The excuse of protecting the environment is a cover for a project that will privatize the water. Just as it was accomplished in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua. We will be losing the ability to produce grain, corn and beans in Sonora. A strategic battle is brewing.

In the Yaqui valley, there is a multitude of people who practice various traditional non-capitalist forms of production. This is a project to displace that population. The water war is a battle to produce death. Water is finite, it is not a problem of distribution, it is a problem of a lack of water.

The Northwest Hydro Plan will create one million new hectacres suitable for production. We need to think the way that the government thinks in this struggle.

Doña Josefina (Triqui: San Juan Copala, Oaxaca):

We declared our autonomy and after this year we were defeated by paramilitaries. San Juan Copala was our cultural center, but it no longer exists.

On the 14^th of September we were all displaced, they burned our homes. There was a humanitarian caravan. The paramilitaries shot at us with guns and they raped us, that is why we are no longer there.

Before there was not a school or anything. Because of the paramilitaries there are now mines in San Juan Copala, that is why we were displaced.

We became divided because some of us did not want to work with the government. This is an example of what can happen, a warning to all autonomous communities.

Our comrades from “The Voice that Breaks the Silence” a radio program run by community women were all murdered.

Don Mario (Yaqui, Vicam):

Addressing Josefina: Here in the CNI, we give the Triqui community the word and not to individuals.

Addressing Alberto: It was not clear what you were proposing. What are you doing currently? What is your proposal?

Don Alberto (Citizens Movement for Water, Sonora):

What is our proposal?

1) Provisional Suspension of the Aqueduct Project: The state of Sonora’s authority is not respecting the judge’s ruling. They don’t have an Environmental Impact Report or any other formal legalities that are required by the state. The governor of Sonora economically helped pass the aqueduct project. In 1992 there was a national law on water that is not being respected.

2) The full enforcement of the Water Laws passed in 1992: They are taking the teeth out of this law in order to move towards water privatization.

Don Fernando (San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas):

There is a project of bad government in the form of a freeway from San Cristobal de las Casas to Palenque. It has damaged our forests and displaced the wildlife that lives in those forests.

One of our comrades died when there was a paramilitary attack. They don’t want us to stay in our forests.

One of our comrades was held ransom, they burned him alive and cut his fingers off with a knife, they did not release him until we paid the ransom of 5,000 pesos. The captors were given impunity and allowed to go free.

Don Mario (Yaqui, Vicam):

We are actively resisting, the government is the one who exercises power violently. Then what are we to do? We are circulating our struggle.

Doña Ofelia (Other Campaign Workers, Mexico, D.F.):

Territory: The capitalist system adjusts its laws and policies against our communities, farm workers, women and children. The capitalist system has to attack our communities because we struggle against the capitalist system, not just the state. Territory is central, but we have to include other sectors too. What is there to do? How do we unite our struggles against the great capitalists?

The state deploys a system of repression. We have to stop repression wherever it manifests, just like the other campaign. Sometimes we must call out those organizations who are accomplices of the state.

For the Yaqui, their struggle is also about the mines, the REA, and the water that goes to those mines that are worth more than life itself. The mines are also a danger for our country. The government claims the zone and then gives it to the capitalists to accumulate more capital.

Don Mario (Yaqui, Vicam):

What is fucking us over the most is for the poor to continue fighting amongst the poor.

Don Jesus (Ciudad Juarez):

Territory is also seen as a commodity, PFP, the mines.

In Juarez there have been more than 3,000 murders and they have risen due to the actions of the federal police.

In regards to autonomy, there was a great wrong against the cause of autonomy. A university student who was an adjerent of the other campaign was among the injured.

In the war against drugs and drug cartels, no rich person has died, forty community activists however have been assassinated.

Don Jesus Maria (Citizens Movement for Water, Sonora):

What is it that we are proposing? We are proposing that we support the Yaqui Tribe’s struggle and the struggle of the Citizens in defense of Water Movement. If not everyone, then some of you can help us fight.

Carlos Slim (Sanbourns/Walmart) is the central capitalist who wants to privatize water in Hermosillo.

Don Jose Luis (Purepecha, Michoacan):

The capitalist system is one that has an avaricious appetite. We can begin to exit this system by exercising our autonomy.

Don Juan (Purepecha, El Murillo):

In order to have a general idea where we are advancing. Names have been named and information shared. We need to have a synthesis for tomorrow. The unity of those who are struggling, To struggle to continue existing not only as brothers and sisters but as a planet. The interest of capital produce death, they are against life. We must join our struggles for dignified life, that force dignity is what we are doing in order to not just resist, but to overthrow the capitalist system that is against life.

There have been important denouncements.

Goals:

1) to have a strategic analysis for the future

2) to recompose ourselves

3) to circulate our struggle

4) to exercise autonomy in our territories

Don Rogelio (Lawyer for Yaqui Tribe):

What is it that the Yaqui Tribe is proposing? The Yaqui tribe has taken legal action to defend its rights to its territory. The reform laws of 1940 passed under the presidency of Lazaro Cardenas restored territories and ruled that the water below the dam belonged to the Yaqui tribe. The Yaqui tribe has demanded the restitution of this water, 50% of the water from the dam. District 018 belongs to the Yaqui Tribe, but legally it does not exist because it is controlled and run by the National Comission on Water (CNA).

Our Demands:

1) To the President of Mexico: to create and bound the territory as it was determined, command CAN to surrender our water (50%).

2) To the Governor of Sonora: To cease and desist from advancing this project (that he abstain completely).

3) That all preliminary work in preparation for the construction of the aqueduct such as the Environmental Impact Report, Feasability Study cease completely.

4) To cancel and indefinitely suspend the construction of the aqueduct.

We commit to continue to update you on what is happening in Sonora. The Yaqui tribe is poor and this will gravely affect their community.

We will resume tomorrow morning at 9:00am.

WORKGROUP #1:

PROJECTS OF BAD GOVERNMENT AND AUTONOMY

Vicam, Sonora 11/21/10

Don Juan (Purepecha, El Murillo):

The projects of bad government are about turning everything into a commodity. They are projects of death. It goes against everything. We must retake those projects for life, this is the work left to do.

Projects for life, ways of life, organizations, culture, to defend and support these life affirming projects.

Autonomy: When a community exercises its right to be stewards of its territory. Free will and self-determination; the road is the community in defense of itself, it does not depend on what some judicial rulings dictate.

Don Francisco (The Other Campaign):

Table around autonomy. The problem of autonomy is a central theme. Not only in regards to territory, but also individually where we can exercise autonomy wherever we may find ourselves. We will have a resistance against neoliberal capitalism.

How do we circulate the struggle? Through solidarity, collectivity...

Don Santos (Wirrarika, Nayarit):

Another threat that has us worried…We are forgotten as indigenous communities. In 1996 we recovered more than 2,000 hectacres because the overlords were taking over the land. The judiciary always gives the benefit of the doubt to the overlords in their rulings. After we recovered our land, we found out that the water concessions were in the name of the overlords. The 1992 reforms separated the land from the water. They dismembered our homeland. We must not stop at the word, we must unite and take action.

There is a mine being opened at one of our sacred sites, the Serro de Quimarra. A Canadian corporation, Silver Magestic was awarded the contract. More than 6,000 hectacres will be effected. This mine will have the most negative impact on the land cooperatives. There was no prior consultation, there are regulations that must be met before the mine opens, but the corporation has already bought the mineral rights. These are megaprojects that have come to destroy us all.

Don Lenny (Nahuatl: Milpa Alta, Tlalpan, Xochimilco):

There is a freeway project that is destroying everything. This includes projects where the government has contracted Canadian and Japanese corporations to develop housing for the wealthy in the areas that have been displaced.

Don Mario (Yaqui, Vicam):

Autonomy is political, economic, cultural…Let us put aside our difrences and take up what we have in common, let us stop fighting amongs the poor.

Don Francisco (Purepecha, Michoacan):

Now demands are not for higher wages, but for self-sustainability, that is a victory.

There are two paths to continue our struggles:

1) in the judicial arena

2) through autonomy, to exercise it

Biological technology is negatively affecting our autonomy because it makes us dependent on corporations that produce it. We need to exercise and invest in our traditional ways even in the face of biopiracy. Our communal knowledge is being privatized and we need to take it back, to recover our old ways, and to reject corporate agriculture.

Instead of asking for higher salaries, we need to fight for control over the modes of production.

Don Refugio:

1) Capricious Corporations

2) The Government

3) Our own communities

Obstacles in this struggle. We need to have our own political, economic, organization in contrast to frames set upon us by the outside.

We have to exert our ownership and sovereignty, but we have to be organized. The Megaprojects are everywhere.

Don Mario (Yaqui, Vicam):

Capital is dynamic and changes, but so are we as a collective because our identity of belonging to this land is what frames our autonomy.

These named obstacles are what is in the way of us seeing the horizon. This work is about existing in our diversity, yet seeing those struggles we have in common. Thus we circulate the struggle, we are making progress, this is an action. We are sharpening our perspective. The project of defending water is not only for tomorrow but for always.

On the 24^th of November the Yaqui tribe has a date with the governor of Sonora, the President of Mexico, and the water manager. The Mexican government is taking our power seriously. This is how we perceive this, from now until then there will be more actions.

Xamuel (Los Angeles, South Central Farm):

The South Central Farm is a farming cooperative, we are composed of Mexicans, Peruvians, Guatemalans…we have a farm of 60 acres in Bakersfield, 200 miles from Los Angeles. We live in a very diverse place, there are about four million people in Los Angeles. Our crop is organic and we don’t use pesticides.

In 1992 we had land, there we had family gardens, the community generated life there, the land had various histories, when a young black man was murdered, the lands were offered to the community.

In 2006 they took that land from us, they forcefully evicted us, for a bit of rent due. In that land we exercised culture, on those 14 acres. We danced, had an open air market, and celebrated the day of the dead…

We tried to find autonomy in whatever form, through the self-sustainability of our farm. We had many ways of resisting projects of bad government. Now they are selling the land for 16 million dollars. We will carry the voice. It is difficult to think about the problem of water.

Doña Alicia (Atenco):

They are trying to privatize the wells on our land.

We have an entrepreneurial project selling salt we produce from lake Texcoco to sustain ourselves.

Don Jesus (Ciudad Juarez):

Globalization is one of capitalism’s strategies. I suggest that we clearly define autonomy. The movement for the ghettos is also important. Our relationship with technology, is something we also must challenge. Towards another Mexico.

Doña Josefina (Triqui, San Juan Copala):

To the comrades of CNI and the Other Campaign…We must unite and not fall into division, now is the time to struggle. From San Juan Copala, We will struggle from wherever we may find ourselves.

Don Mario (Yaqui, Vicam):

When we lost our Yaqui River, it was because we fought amongst ourselves. There were deaths, many families continue to have that same rancour. There was a very difficult problem that happened here. Before there were only 9 tribal leaders, the government named 18. “Who are the good guys?” they divided our community in that way. In this struggle over water the same tactic has been deployed. This leaves a lot of rancour that lasts for generations.

There are many academic specialists on indigenous people and we are always the objects of study, that is something we are leaving behind.

Don Francisco:

We cannot surrender the right to speak, here in CNI there is room for everyone to have the word. It’s not about voting but about convincing, it’s not about raising your hand but making sure everyone is on the same page through dialogue.

Don Santos (Wirrarikari, Nayarit):

Indigenous communities are in grave danger, it is important that we listen to each other. It is the government that is making us fight amongst each other, we need to create and not destroy. All of the principles…

We have to denounce all repressions.

Mario Luna (Yaqui, Vicam):

While we are fighting amongst ourselves, there is a grand project to privatize our natural resources and even to privatize our own identity. The government compiles a list of who is authentic and who is not.

Doña Manuela (Nahuatl, Santa Cruz Atalxispa, Xochimilco):

We are also living the same experience. It is clear who the enemies are, behind those megaprojects, including freeways, mines, it is how they are deciding our destiny for us.

We were surrounded by water because of our Chinampa system, we produced from the water, we no longer have them, the only ones left are protected as a ecotourist zone. Now we have to pay to see our own canals.

As a community we produce a cristalized candy, but now we are fighting amongst ourselves. The government has contracted corporations that destroyed our ecosystem. We no longer have assemblies.

Don Aristeo (Purepecha):

The system of bad government is like a bulldozer. To stop this machine, we need to be united, the machine after all is blind, it is important for us to look to nature for examples, like the ants, who work together.

Don Santos (Wirrarikari, Nayarit):

Let us focus on a synthesis.

Proposal:

On November 24 we propose that we all do an action in solidarity with the Yaqui tribe.

Chiapas Support Committee: Let's meet at the U.S. Social Forum in Detroit

2010-06-14T11:46:00.000-07:00

Chiapas Support Committee with
The Beehive Collective and
The Latin American Solidarity Coalition

Present a joint workshop at the U.S. Social Forum:

Megaprojects & the Militarization of Mexico; a quest for land and resources.

Members of the Chiapas Support Committee will be traveling to Detroit, Michigan, to participate in the week-long U.S. Social Forum, starting June 22 through June 26, 2010. This will be a critical moment for the cross-fertilization of ideas, experiences and visions to work together with the dreams of "Another World is Possible, Another U.S. is Necessary," the theme of the second such national gathering of social, racial, economic and environmental justice movements and members and activists of diverse working class communities from across the U.S. and their global counterparts.

Together with the Beehive Collective and LASC, CSC is offering the following workshop activity at the U.S. Social Forum, one "Megaprojects and the Militarization of Mexico; a quest for land and resources." Please join us at the USSF 2010!

Workshop Description: Mexico is heavily militarized and the US encourages this militarization through the billion-dollar Merida Initiative (Plan Mexico), a plan to stop drug running across the border. However, much of the Mexican Army is deployed to areas other than the border. These are often areas where megaprojects are planned: airports, super-highways, ports, dams and tourist projects. The extraction of oil, minerals and genetic material also produces militarization and violence.

The workshop begins with an artistic presentation by the Beehive Collective about the Plan Puebla-Panama (PPP), now re-named the Mesoamerica Project, a regional development plan that encompasses all the states of Southern Mexico, the countries of Central America and Colombia.

A digital (power point) presentation by the Chiapas Support Committee follows about conflicts that have arisen due to megaprojects throughout Southern Mexico, with special emphasis on the state of Chiapas, where the Zapatistas present a strong resistance to developers.

Discussions will focus on developing a shared analysis and identifying different strategies for building a transnational movement against militarization and for supporting communities based on social justice and hiuman rights.

Event Date:

Thursday, June 24, 2010 - 1:00pm - 3:00pm

Event Location: Cobo Hall: D2-09

Pronunciamiento por la detención y desaparición de bases de apoyo zapatistas

2010-05-14T15:16:00.000-07:00

PRONUNCIAMIENTO DE LA RED CONTRA LA REPRESIÓN Y POR LA SOLIDARIDAD ANTE LA DETENCIÓN DE CINCO Y DESAPARICIÓN DE NUEVE COMPAÑEROS BASES DE APOYO DEL EZLN EL 10 DE MAYO DE 2010.

Mayo 13 de 2010.

El pasado 10 de mayo la Junta de Buen Gobierno de La Garrucha, “El Camino del Futuro” dio a conocer un comunicado en el que denuncia la detención de CINCO y desaparición de NUEVE compañeros Bases de Apoyo Zapatista a manos de los ejidatarios de Peña Molinar, ubicado en el Municipio de Ocosingo, Chiapas. Los nombres de los compañeros detenidos son: Ebelio Montejo Hernández de 35 años de edad; Manuel Gutiérrez López de 42 años; Promotor de Salud, Luis Gutiérrez Vázquez de 15 años de edad; Pedro Gutiérrez Hernández, 18 años de edad y Narciso Gutiérrez Jiménez de 63 años de edad

Nuestras compañeras y compañeros Bases de Apoyo Zapatistas han sufrido acoso, amenazas, persecución detenciones arbitrarias, fabricación de delitos, desaparición forzada, entre otras formas de represión, por parte de policías estatales, judiciales, paramiliatares con la complicidad de todos los niveles de gobiernos y partidos políticos; en tanto los señalados como los asesinos de nuestros dos compañeros Autoridades Autonómas LORENZO MARTINEZ ESPINOZA, VOCAL DEL CONSEJO AUTONOMO y JACINTO HERNANDEZ GUTIERREZ, AGENTE AUTONOMO el 25 de agosto de 2002 gozan de impune libertad habiendo tomado, incluso, posesión de nuevo, en la Ranchería Amaytic.

En otra denuncia fechada el 16 de marzo de 2010, esta misma Junta de Buen Gobierno nombra a los asesinos:

JACINTO HERNANDEZ BALLINAS (CON SU ARMA CALIBRE 16)

GASPAR HERNANDEZ PEREZ, (con garrotes y machete),

SANTIAGO HERNANDEZ GUTIERREZ, (con garrote y machetes, todos los demás)
NICOLAS HERNANDEZ GUTIERREZ,
JACINTO HERNANDEZ PEREZ,
SANTIAGO HERNANDEZ GUTIERREZ,
NICOLAS HERNANDEZ PEREZ,
NICOLAS ALFREDO HERNANDEZ BALLINAS,
MANUEL GUTIERREZ HERNANDEZ,
IGNACIO HERNANDEZ PEREZ

El secuestro y la desaparición de nuestro compañeros BAZ constituye una nueva provocación en contra del EZLN y de sus comunidades. Estas agresiones, perpetradas por grupos paramilitares solapados por los tres niveles del mal gobierno, no pueden quedar impunes ni puede guardarse silencio ante esta oleada de agresiones contra los dignos Pueblos Zapatistas.

Como compañeros de La Otra Campaña estamos concientes de que en realidad se trata de acciones de contrainsurgencia e intención de despojo de territorio recuperado perteneciente al Caracol de La Garrucha por parte de los malos gobiernos.

Como siempre, tratan de encubrir sus acciones represivas con la coartada de que son conflictos intracomunitarios, pero no engañan al digno Pueblo de México ni a los dignos Pueblos del Mundo. Sabemos bien que financian la represión a través de paramilitares, militares, policías, sistema de impartición de “IN”justicia y medios de “DES”información, que su concepto de democracia consiste en atacar al pueblo que fingen gobernar y que, en cambio administran a favor del capitalismo.

Exigimos respeto total a las vidas de nuestros compañeros, al territorio de sus pueblos y a la Autonomía Zapatistas.

¡Basta de represión, detenciones arbitrarias, desapariciones forzadas, acoso y amenazas a Mujeres y Hombres Bases de Apoyo Zapatistas!

¡Los zapatistas no están sólos!

¡Viva la Autonomía Zapatista y su Resistencia!

¡Vivan las Bases de Apoyo Zapatistas!

Red contra la Represión y por la Solidaridad

redcontralarepresion@gmail.com

http://contralarepresion.wordpress.com/

Mexico's State of Impunity

2010-05-07T13:24:00.000-07:00

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/laura-carlsen/mexicos-state-of-impunity_b_566633.html

Laura Carlsen

Director, Americas Program, Center For International Policy

When international human rights observers rounded a curve on a remote road in the southern Mexican state of Oaxaca, they found the way blocked by boulders. They decided going forward would be dangerous. But they didn't know that going back would be deadly.

As the vans began to turn around, masked gunmen came down from the hills and opened fire on the vehicles. Some of the people scattered into the brush. Others got lucky and were freed by the assailants. Two were murdered, shot in the head -- Bety Cariño of the Mexican rights group CACTUS (Center for Community Support Working Together) and Finnish human rights observer Jyri Jaakola.

The activists were traveling to the village of San Juan Copala in the Triqui indigenous region of Oaxaca. Local paramilitaries from a group called UBISORT, which is reportedly founded by Mexico's ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), had surrounded and cut off the village. The caravan of journalists, state activists, and international human rights observers wanted to investigate the worsening situation in the village. They knew the risks but decided to undertake the mission because the lives of villagers were at stake, and they saw a dangerous precedent in standing by as an illegal armed group took an entire village hostage.

Killings are a common occurrence in the Triqui region for those who defend indigenous rights and resources. Scores of people have been assassinated, including two women from San Juan Copala's community radio station in 2008.

The leaders advised the state government of its intentions, but the state government provided no guarantees. Gabriela Jimenez, a member of the caravan who escaped, stated that the paramilitary captors bragged of having the governor's backing.

History of Violence and Impunity

The Triqui region of Oaxaca has seen way more than its share of violent conflict. Over the last decades, conflicts have broken out among groups of Triqui that split into warring factions with alarming frequency, but the problems go even further back. Since pre-Hispanic times Triqui communities have been caught in a cycle of violence, fueled by resource grabs, rebellion, and repression. Through each stage of their bloody history, the same pattern repeats itself, as amply documented in a recent study by Mixtec lawyer and researcher Francisco Lopez Barcenas.

The Mexican government could have stopped or at least reduced this cycle of violence if it had carried out its mandate of administering justice to the indigenous people of the region. Instead, it suppressed the rebellions even as outside interests bled the region.

In 2007, the village of San Juan Copala broke away from a government that had failed to protect its people. When the village declared itself an autonomous municipality, the repression went into overdrive.

Layers of impunity and injustice have covered crimes in Oaxaca for years. In 2006, Oaxacans took over the state capital, demanding the ouster of PRI Governor Ulises Ruiz. For nearly six months, an unprecedented movement of unionized teachers, housewives, students, indigenous people, farmers, and assorted other sectors of society held the city. The central government sent in federal police to retake control, as the governor remained in hiding but refused to resign. During those bloody months, 26 members of the protest movement were murdered and hundreds more captured, beaten, and subjected to psychological torture.

In 2008 I went to Oaxaca as a member of an international human rights delegation that took testimonies of human rights violations in Oaxaca. We installed our team in a church hall. When we opened the doors, we were flooded with complaints. In four days we conducted over 150 interviews that revealed a human rights crisis, accompanied by impunity for the actions of the state perpetrators.

The testimonies were heart-wrenching and often tearful. Some dated back to the repression of late 2006. Both men and women reported that security forces herded them blindfolded into a helicopter and told them they would be dumped into the Pacific Ocean -- a practice of Mexico's dirty wars of the 1970s. More recent accounts poured in of murdered or disappeared grassroots leaders throughout the state, including two Revolutionary Popular Army leaders who are still missing, despite efforts by a congressional mediating commission. The commission cited a lack of political will on the part of the federal government to resolve the case.

Mexico's Supreme Court ruled that Ruiz was responsible for grave human rights violations in Oaxaca during the 2006 uprising. But no criminal charges or impeachment proceedings were initiated, and he remains in office as the governor of the region. Grassroots organizations warn of more violence as the state prepares for elections this July, in which Ruiz´s fate depends in part on his party retaining power.

The public has lost confidence in the government to protect its rights. When we met with the state human rights commission, the commissioner stated his willingness to investigate all complaints but said the commission had received very few. The reason was not hard to find. When we asked complainants whether they had reported their cases they unanimously replied no, saying they would never go through a state government that was complicit in the crimes.

The murder of U.S. journalist Brad Will is perhaps the most well-known case, and a classic example of the way impunity works in the state. Under international pressure, the Mexican state began an investigation that went nowhere, despite forensic and eyewitness evidence that implicated hitmen with ties to local government. Finally, incredibly, the police arrested a member of the protest movement for Will's murder. After more international pressure, he was released, leaving the case back at square one -- impunity.

The last attack repeats the historic and contemporary cycles of violence. Outsiders once again covet the Triqui region, this time for its mineral resources. Self-governing indigenous people get in the way of those interests. The paramilitary targeted the caravan explicitly to take out leaders of grassroots opposition to the state government and movements to protect natural resources. Bety Cariño was one of the state's most active leaders of the anti-mining and indigenous rights movements.

Human Rights and U.S. Indifference

The April 27 ambush shocked even a nation accustomed to violence in the news. Drug war tolls of 30 or more victims a day are standard fare in Mexico. But the calculated assault on a human rights mission crossed some invisible line. Members of the European Parliament, the Finnish Embassy, and the United Nations Human Rights Commissioner have demanded a full investigation. Demonstrating the arrogance characteristic of his rule, Governor Ruiz announced he would carry out an investigation -- of the migration papers of the foreigners on the caravan.

Human rights violations in Mexico have been on the rise in the last few years, with a sixfold increase in complaints against the armed forces since it launched the drug war. Civilian deaths have increased in the context of drug war militarization. The nation faces a crisis of confidence in the government's ability -- or willingness -- to provide even the most basic human security.

The U.S. State Department has ignored this crisis to justify its support for the failed drug war of President Felipe Calderón. Security aid to Mexico under the Merida Initiative required that a human rights report be presented to Congress showing progress in ending impunity for crimes committed by the armed forces, an end to torture, and progress in the Brad Will murder. The State Department delayed presenting the report until last year. When it finally submitted the report, it showed no progress.

Security aid to police and armed forces that violate human rights consistently empowers a system of violations. Human rights training by U.S. forces will make no difference whatsoever in that equation. The problem is obviously not a lack of training, but a lack of political will. As long as the same political forces that commit violations receive support and aid, they are encouraged to continue practices that damage society and destroy lives.

Mexico today is at a critical juncture. Its fragile institutions have been shaken by the electoral fraud of the 2006 presidential elections and the inequality and injustice of daily life. The justice system remains bound to the interests of a weak federal government that fears popular protest, and to state and local governments, in cases like Oaxaca, controlled by despots. Corruption by drug cartels adds to the impunity.

Mexico can either take up the challenge to strengthen democratic institutions, or it can fall back into rule by force and authoritarianism. The U.S. government's blinkered focus on security issues while ignoring systematic human rights violations encourages the latter. The U.S. government should focus on fighting transnational organized crime within its own borders and channel aid to Mexico to development projects that strengthen human rights, citizen empowerment, peace-building, and wellbeing.

International groups must take action

Impunity is not merely a lack of justice and due punishment; it's an incubator of violence and crime. When impunity becomes state policy, the rule of law crumbles.

International organizations and individuals should demand a full investigation of the April 27 ambush. The role of the Oaxaca state government under Ulises Ruiz must be fully clarified. The international community must maintain pressure to assure that the murderers who carried out this attack and their accomplices be brought to justice.
Anything short of a full explanation and application of the law in the case of the San Juan Copala attack will allow the violence to continue, and add yet another stain to Mexico's already dismal human rights record.

Letter to Mexico: CSC Condemns Attack on the Observation Caravan to San Juan Copala (Oaxaca, Mexico)

2010-05-06T12:27:00.001-07:00

Oakland, California, May 6, 2010

Chiapas Support Committee * P.O. Box 3421 * Oakland, CA 9460

The Chiapas Support Committee condemns the Attack on the Observation Caravan to San Juan Copala (Oaxaca, Mexico)

The Chiapas Support Committee energetically condemns the armed attack carried out by paramilitaries against members of the humanitarian caravan on April 27. The caravan was composed of representatives of human rights and social organizations, journalists and international observers.

The caravan was headed to San Juan Copala in the Triqui region when it was ambushed and attacked with AK-47 and AR-15 assault rifles, allegedly by a group from the Unidad para el Bienestar Social de la región Triqui (UBISORT), an organization linked with the Partido Revolucionario Institutional (PRI) and pointed to as having paramilitary characteristics. The result of the paramilitary attack was two dead, Beatriz Alberta Cariño Trujillo, a member of the Centro de Apoyo Comunitario Trabajando Unidos A.C. (CACTUS) and Jyri Antero Jaakola, an international observer from Finland, as well as several others wounded.

This armed attack occurred on a humanitarian and peaceful observation caravan, thereby corroborating the risk that human rights defenders, as well as journalists, run in Mexico. We express our most profound concern for the vulnerability of those who work to defend and promote human rights while faced with ever more frequent political violence, the criminalization of their work, and the State's indifference to the protection of their life and physical integrity.

The paramilitary killing of an international human rights observer is of grave concern to our organizations, which support indigenous communities in Mexico and travel there to express solidarity. Instead of arresting those responsible for the death of Jyri Jaakola, a citizen of Finland, the Oaxaca government questioned international observation itself! The work of international human rights observation represents a concrete civilian peace mechanism for intervening in conflict areas, and has been instrumental in preventing and stopping violence.

The Oaxaca government is not accepting any responsibility for these acts of violence. Impunity in the numerous murders and acts of violence that have taken place in the Triqui zone has contributed to creating a violent situation in the region.

Finally, it concerns us that, as often happens also in Chiapas, the response to this attack will be limited to re-establishing public order without addressing the root causes behind the violence that has prevailed in the Triqui zone.

As a consequence of the above, we urgently demand:

* An immediate, impartial and thorough investigation and punishment of the material and intellectual authors of these murders, as a first step to stopping political violence in the region;

* Immediate action to address the root causes of the political violence in Triqui communities, placing special emphasis on respect for the process of internal dialogue;

* Investigate and dismantle paramilitary groups in Oaxaca and Chiapas and other regions of Mexico;

* Ensure conditions of freedom of movement, expression and association, restore rights and protections that permit re-establishing safety for the entire community, a situation that cannot be re-established without demilitarizing the region; and,

* Develop and implement community-based solutions to address the community’s lack of access to basic services and stability. The humanitarian aid caravan was coming to support the community, addressing the causes with human solidarity.

Chiapas Support Committee: http://www.chiapas-support.org/

Urgent Call: Raise Your Voice in Solidarity with Oaxaca and Against Militarization

2010-05-06T12:22:00.000-07:00

Urgent Call: Raise Your Voice in Solidarity with Oaxaca and Against Militarization

The following is an URGENT call for solidarity in order to highlight the increased militarization in Oaxaca and in other communities throughout the world. We recognize that the recent armed attack against the compañeros participating in the Support and Solidarity Caravan for San Juan Copala, Oaxaca (which includes two dead, one wounded, and many disappeared [*UPDATE: six disappeared members of the caravan are confirmed alive*]) have deep roots extending to histories of imperialism and white supremacy. Imperialism, because repression is historical and based on domination, subjugation, and displacement. White supremacy, because violence is systemically and institutionally perpetuated against indigenous peoples, so-called third worlds, people of color, and other marginalized groups in an effort to maintain privileges of wealth and power. We recognize this broader context, that the injustices in Oaxaca do not operate in a bubble, that repression is a global phenomena situated in very different local contexts.

Military Aid in Mexico
In Mexico, militarization has considerably increased in the past years. Since 2008, the U.S. government has used the "war against drugs and organized crime" to justify the funding of the Merida Initiative (also known as Plan Mexico by its opponents), which provides funding, training, and military equipment to the Mexican government. But in reality, the Initiative criminalizes social movements and contributes to systemic human rights violations. The Initiative was first signed by the Bush-Rice Administration and is now supported by the current Obama-Clinton Administration.

In 2010, the Merida Initiative was extended and the budget was increased by 15% by U.S. Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, who states that Mexico has met the human rights conditions of the bill. Clearly, the U.S. has negated military and paramilitary violence against autonomous communities, grassroots organizations, social justice activists, and community-based media groups in resistance.

Context of Triqui Region
The indigenous Triqui Region, located in the mountainous western part of Oaxaca, is known for its immense levels of violence instigated by the state government and paramilitary groups. Beginning in the Spanish invasion and leading up to contemporary times, the Triquis have historically resisted against colonial powers and the Mexican government attempting to steal their lands, autonomy, and self-determination. Throughout recent years, infiltration from political parties and divide-and-conquer methods have deeply divided the community and organizations. Numerous organizations throughout the Triqui Region have split; in 2006, the Movement for Triqui Unification and Struggle (MULT) split and formed the Movement for Triqui Unification and Independent Struggle (MULTI). And another organization, the Social Welfare Union of the Triqui Region (UBISORT), which is identified as a paramilitary group with ties to the PRI political party, also has a presence in the Triqui Region. In 2008, two young women from a community radio station in San Juan Copala, were shot dead by gunmen for their political participation in the radio and values for autonomous processes. Their cases remain unsolved.

Attack on Support and Solidarity Caravan
On Tuesday, April 27th, a caravan headed to San Juan Copala was attacked by gunmen identified as members of UBISORT, an organization with affiliations with the PRI (Independent Revolutionary Party) political party. At least two are reported dead, Beatriz Carino, director of CACTUS, and Jyri Antero Jaakkola, an observer from Finland, several are missing, and at least one is wounded.

The caravan was organized to provide basic necessities, such as water and food, and to accompany teachers from the Section 22 teacher's union who were denied from entering the community for over 5 months. Participants of the caravan includes: representatives from the Assembly of Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO), Center for Community Support Working Together (CACTUS), members of Independent Triqui Movement of Unity and Struggle (MULT-I), Oaxacan Voices Constructing Autonomy and Liberty (VOCAL), Mexican reporters, and international observers from Belgium, Finland, Italy, and Germany. VOCAL reports in a press release the injustices in San Juan Copala: "electricity has been turned off, the community has no access to drinking water or medical personnel...and (the community) is subjected to permanent harassment from military troops that set up roadblocks just outside the town".

Call for Solidarity
For these reasons, we make a humble call to action to all organizations, solidarity collectives, youth groups, students, cooperatives, community-based media groups, LGBTQ communities, workers, teachers, and cultural centers to denounce the militarization and state-sponsored terrorism and violence in Oaxaca and throughout the world, to denounce the funding of the Merida Initiative signed into law by the U.S. government, and to demand a thorough investigation and punishment for those responsible for the current violations in Oaxaca.

We also ask friends and allies to keep posted as new information rolls through, to keep fighting against injustices and militarization in your local communities, and to consider sending letters to your Mexican Embassies and to authorities in Oaxaca.

CASA Chapulin Collective, Oaxaca
Colectivo Contra Impunidad, Urguay

sources:
Paramilitaries Ambush International Aid Caravan, Two Dead by Kristen Bricker
http://mywordismyweapon.blogspot.com/2010/04/oaxaca-paramilitaries-ambush.html

Death Squads in Oaxaca by John Gibler
http://www.inthesetimes.com/article/3740/death_squads_in_oaxaca/

Paramilitary Attack Leaves Two Dead and Three Disappeared by VOCAL
http://www.casacollective.org/story/urgent-actions/paramilitary-attack-leaves-two-dead-and-three-disappeared

UPDATES: Confirmed Killings and Disappearances near San Juan Copala, Oaxaca at Elenemigocomun Website
http://elenemigocomun.net/3441/x/en

Grecia: ¡¡PODEMOS!!

2010-05-06T11:56:00.001-07:00

De: Europa Zapatista http://www.europazapatista.org/?Grecia-PODEMOS

Grecia: ¡¡PODEMOS!!

6 / mayo

Nadie, de los cientos de miles de manifestantes que hoy estabamos en las calles de Grecia, conoce cómo empezar a escribir una noticia sobre lo que el hoy era y es para Grecia.

¿Por dónde empezar? ¿Por los momentos de la mañana que un río rabioso de manifestantes recorrió todas las ciudades de Grecia? ¿Por el cerco militar (porque ejército son aquí los cuerpos policiales) que sufre la ciudad de Atenas en estos momentos de la noche, con la policía invadiendo con toda su barbaridad las calles, las ocupaciones, los cafés de Exarjia, los locales de juventud, las sedes de los grupos polticos, las casas? ¿Por la muerte trágica de los tres empleados del Banco Marfin, que ha sellado este día que era tan decisiva para el pueblo griego (y los pueblos europeos); un día tan importante porque al fin la rabia salió a las calles en manifestaciones tan multitudinarias que ni en el diciembre de 2008 había vivido Grecia?

VEÁSE reportaje sobre las manifestaciones en otras ciudades en Grecia: http://grecia-libertaria.blogspot.com/

Quizás cuando se pierden tres vidas es justo que esto sea la noticia primera. Pero no es justo -y mas de esto: es inmoral- lo que desde hace horas están haciendo el gobierno y su policía, los políticos de los dos grandes partidos y sus medios de comunicación masiva: que aprovechándose de la trágica muerte de los tres empleados del Banco Marfin, se echan a una "caza de brujas", culpando a todo un pueblo por su desobediencia a aceptar las órdenes de los de arriba que lo condenan a una vida sin futuro digno y esperanza.

La pregunta “¿qué o quién ha obligado a los empleados del Banco Marfin a trabajar mientras recorría la calle Stadíou una manifestación multitudinaria y rabiosa, con su ira concentrada en a los bancos?”, circula en los labios de todos y todas. La respuesta es f´scil: el mismo sistema que, mañana, va a obligar a todas y todos a bajar la cabeza por el miedo de perder su trabajo precario.

Mucho podríamos decir (y ya se dice aquí) sobre las condiciones de la muerte de las tres personas que la dirección del banco les prohibió salir del trabajo y les dejó cerrados en un edificio donde no había salida de emergencia y no funcionaban los sistemas de seguridad contra incendios. Por el momento nos limitamos a traducir un fragmento del comunicado del Sindicato de los Empleados en Bancos (OTOE) que ha convocado para mañana un huelga en los bancos:

“... lo que ha quitado las vidas de nuestros compañeros de trabajo es consuecuencia trágica de las medidas antipopulares que levantaron la rabia del pueblo y la protesta de miles de cientos de trabajadores. Los responsables han que pagar con toda la severidad. Pero también hay responsables morales de este delito.... y están en la política del gobierno, en las acciones de la policía y en los Directorios de los Bancos que chantajean a los empleados y no les permiten la participación en las movilizaciones y quienes con una irresponsabilidad increíble nunca toman las medidas necesarias para que queden protegidas las vidas de empleados y de clientes en las sucursales bancarias que siempre son los objetivos de la rabia en todos lo recorridos de las marchas obreras y las manifestaciones”.

Hoy todo era posible...

Es imposible que alguién pueda hacer retroceder al tiempo y regresar a los momentos anteriores de las 2.30 H. en que se dió a conocer la muerte de las tres personas... Pero aquellos momentos existieron. Y eran momentos magníficos. Y tmbién debemos contarlos. Debemos informar y comunicarlos a todo el planeta porque hoy en la manifestación de Atenas se jugó el futuro de un pueblo entero.

Si no pasara lo que pasó, mañana el Parlamento griego quizás –quizás, nadie lo sabe- no iba a PODER votar a favor del acuerdo con el FMI. Todo estaba abierto hoy: la gente caminaba decidida a cercar al Parlamento, quedarse todo el día y toda la noche en las calles para presionar todo lo que hiciera falta, estaba decidida a intentar invadir, una y dos y tres veces, al Parlamento. Era como si un gigante dormido se despertó de repente y ni la represión ni los lacrimógenos podrían retenerlo.

VEÁSE el video: http://www.youtube.com/v/ukSma3yB82...

Caminabas por la manifestación y por todos los lados se respiraba esta decisión: “no va a pasar”. No era una consigna, era una decisión. La consigna “si no pueden gobernar, ya vayánse, vayánse a joder”, se escuchaba de gente que no lo esperabas y se transmitía por toda la manifestación levantando una oleada de aquel entusiasmo que solo puedes vivirlo cuando la multitud en las calles late como un corazón colectivo.

Todo estaba abierto y era posible hoy, porque quien estaba en las calles ya conocía que el miedo de ayer era pasado. Y no es poco esto: ya van seis meses enteros que día a día, momento a momento, minuto a minuto, nos vacunaban gota a gota el miedo. Dormíamos cada noche con la rabia –porque ya conocíamos la hipocresía- pegada como un nudo en la garganta y nos despertabamos con el miedo en el corazón. Porque no conocíamos qué iba a amanecer: ¿íbamos a amanecer con los bancos cerrados? ¿con nuestros sueldos y ahorro robados? ¿con el país en quiebra? No conocíamos cómo iba a amanecer para nosotros. Para cada uno y cada una y para un pueblo entero.

Y mareados de tantos análisis sobre los motivos de la crisis, mareados por los números de los millones sobre millones de euros, nos despertamos un día dándonos cuenta que nosotros y nosotras –las de abajo- íbamos a pagar las cuentas de los de arriba.

Era. y es, tan simple y tan terrible: el FMI y países de la Unión Europea iban a prestar –PRESTAR- a Grecia tantos y tantos millones de euros (140.000.000) a un interés del 5%. Para pagar Grecia su deuda a los bancos alemanes, franceses, ingleses, griegos, españoles etc... por un interés que superaba el 7%. Y esto teníamos –tenemos- que pagarlo nosotros y nosotras: un pueblo humillado* que lo utilizan como un cobayo para probar en su cuerpo lo que sobre todo les interesa: si pueden hacer pasar a los pueblos europeos –con leyes y consenso adquirido por el miedo- la flexibilidad y la precariedad en el trabajo. Para ganar más y más. Así, tan simple. Y ellos, los de arriba, creyeron que ya han ganado el juego. Todavía no conocemos si lo ganaron pero las manifestaciones de hoy en Grecia mostraron –y ellos ya lo saben- que las “ovejas-cobayos” PUEDEN desviarse de la suerte que les guardan los pastores: la de la masacre.

Hoy en Grecia todo está abierto: si la manipulación por la desgraciada pérdida de las tres vidas les servirá –como lo quieren- para imponer otra vez el miedo y el silencio a la sociedad, va a verse los próximos días. Nosotros seguimos sin conocer que va a amanecernos. Pero también conocemos dos cosas, que las manifestaciones de hoy las gritaron: somos muchos los y las que no vamos a callar, somos muchos que hoy superamos el miedo. Y: los y las que somos y estamos para inventar la resistencia contra la oleada del fasismo que nos imponen, necesitamos la solidaridad de cada uno y cada una, de todos y todas en Europa y en el mundo que son compañeros y compañeras. Se trata de nuestra vida, de nuestra dignidad, de vuestra vida y de vuestra dignidad.

Está en juego el sueño común: estamos en un crucial ¿vamos a construir ese nuevo mundo? Pasa la respuesta tambien por la solidaridad (con el significado de la palabra en griego: yo por ti, porque te confio y yo me presto por ti, porque eres mi hermano) y la hermandad.

Hoy en las calles nos sentimos que no somos individuos que dormimos y despertamos cada uno con su rabia y sus miedos. Mañana necesitamos a todos y a todas en esta lucha que será larga....

¡¡SOL@S NO PODEMOS!!

La manifestación en Atenas empezó a las once de la mañana. Se habían convocado cuatro concentraciones diferentes. El PAME (“Frente” que lo controla el Partido Comunista KKE) en Omonia, los sindicatos oficiales GSSE y ADEDY en Pedío Areos, varias organizaciones de izquierda y anarquistas y los sindicatos de base en el Museo Nacional y en la Plaza de Victoria organizaciones y sindicatos anarquistas. Muy pronto, ya desde las once y media, se quedó claro que no iban a existir cuatro manifestacionse diferentes, simplemente porque la gente era tanta que ya las cuatro concentraciones se habian unido en una: desde Omonia hasta la plaza Victoria no cabía ni un alfiler.

Con valoraciones “mas o menos”, era la mas grande manifestación que vivió Atenas desde hace treinta años, comparándola los mayores con las manifestaciones en los primeros aniversarios de la caída de la dictatura.

La policía dejó pasar en paz a los manifestantes de PAME y los de los sindicatos oficiales, pero empezó a cercar (literalmente) la manifestación cuando caminaban los sindicatos de base, las organizaciones de izquierda y del espacio anarquista. Alrededor de la una y media la tensión subió a las alturas porque toda la gente, aún la que caminaba con los sindicatos oficiales, estaba rabiosa y el objetivo de su rabia iba a por el policía. Los lacrimógenos transformaron una vez más el centro de Atenas en un infierno. Pero la gente insistía: iba a por el Parlamento. La manifestación se dispersó una y otra vez por la represión, pero la gente no salía y se concentraba otra vez.

Al fin se formó una manifestación que empezó a caminar pasando otra vez de Omonia y de la calle Stadíou. Iban a por el Parlamento cuando se dió a conocer la noticia de los tres muertos. No salió nadie. Una manifestación silenciosa, rabiosa –y paralizada- hasta las cinco de la tarde que invadió un ejército de motocicletas policiales y un ejército de cuerpos antidisturbios.

Tantos que hasta los periodistas de los canales de televisión gritaban que “esto ni en las películas lo hemos visto, nos atacan aún a nosotros por todos los lados, es un ejército”. Y era un ejército. Que se desplegó por todo el centro. Se prohibió el paso de las personas en las calles centrales. Se prohibió. Así, sin más. Tenías que caminar como cuatro cuadras para encontrar una calle abierta para llegar a tu casa. Salió en la televisión el Primer Ministro, ese Giorgos Papandreou para culpar a los “desobedientes y su violencia”. Sin dejar de recordarnos que tenemos que cumplir las ordenes, pues, su gobierno, el FMI y la UE tienen como único objetivo “salvar” a Grecia. Todos los demás que no queremos esta “salvación” somos responsables –según el Primer Ministro- de la muerte trágica de los tres empleados del Banco Marfin. Según el Primer Ministro, según el señor Samaras (Presidente del Partido de Nueva Democracia) y según el señor Bgenopoulos - propietario de Banco Marfin, el hombre que los últimos años domina en la vida económica del país, propietario de bancos, barcos y del Olympic Airlines que le entregó el estado griego hace unos meses... - todos y todas somos culpables y “cómplices” si no consentimos en lo que sobre todo es: la “salvación de la patria”.

Disculpen si este escrito va sin la coherencia debida. Hay momentos que alguien no conoce por dónde empezar y dónde terminar. Vivimos uno de tales momentos en Grecia. Y os necesitamos. SOLOS Y SOLAS NO PODEMOS seguir con la esperanza que hoy llenó las calles de Grecia.

Fotos: http://news.gr.msn.com/world/galler...

Articulos relacionados:

Carta de un empleado del Banco Marfin
http://www.alasbarricadas.org/notic...

Atenas, Zona de guerra: tres muertos, muchos edificios quemados en la huelga general de marzo acaba en batalla
http://madrid.indymedia.org/node/13904

Tras los disturbios griegos
http://www.alasbarricadas.org/notic...

Huelga de hambre en la Universidad de California Berkeley

2010-05-06T07:56:00.001-07:00

La comunidad chicana y latina de la Universidad de California, que incluye las organizaciones RAZA, Mecha, Xinaxtli y otras, iniciaron una huelga de hambre y plantón frente a California Hall en respuesta a la nueva ley anti-migrante de Arizona SB1070 y contra los cargos presentados contra manifestantes estudiantiles este año (muchos de los cuales serán suspendidos el semestre entrante por la universidad).

La policía universitaria está hostigando a los huelguistas sin dejarlos dormir día y noche, alumbrándolos con sus luces y acelerando los motores de sus motocicletas y vehículos.

Se solicita la presencia y solidaridad de la población para apoyarlos, así como agua y electrolitos.

Las demandas son:

1) Denuncia pública de la ley de Arizona SB1070 y exigirle al presidente Yudof que haga lo mismo pues esta expresión de racismo es contraria a los valores del sistema educativo de la Universidad de California.

2) Implementar el grupo de trabajo AB540 el semestre entrante e incluir representación estudiantil.

3) Retirar TODOS los cargos contra activistas estudiantiles del año 2009-2010, sobre todo los acusados de violentar el código de conducta estudiantil el 20 de noviembre y el 11 de diciembre de 2009.

4) Parar los cortes de salario a los empleados de bajo salario y parar los ataques contra los activistas sindicales. Recontratar todos los trabajadores del AFSCME y los activistas sindicales del UPTE y funcionarios de Cal Performances.

5) Suspender el código de conducta estudiantil e iniciar un proceso democrático dirigido por los estudiantes para revisar el código.

6) Aceptar responsabilidad por la escalada de violencia durante la ocupación de Wheeler Hall el 20 de noviembre y 11 de diciembre de 2009, que resultó en varios estudiantes heridos. Comprometerse a utilizar métodos no violentos para garantizar la seguridad estudiantil.

Hunger strike at UC Berkeley

2010-05-06T07:53:00.000-07:00

As of Noon today the Chican@/Latin@ community at Cal, which includes RAZA, Mecha, Xinaxtli etc have called for a Hunger Strike in front of California Hall in response to the new Arizona SB1070 Law and to the charges imposed on student protesters this year (many of whom will be suspended starting next semester). The campus police is heavily harrassing and torturing the hunger strikers by not letting them sleep night and day, by shining thier lights at them and loudly reving up thier motorcycles and
vehicles.

The demands are as follows:

1) Publically denounce Arizona’s SB1070 Law and ask President Yudof and other UC Chancellors to do the same as such blatant signs of racism are not representative of the values of the UC education system.

2) Implement the promised AB540 Taskforce to begin Fall 2010 and to include student representation.

3) Drop ALL the charges against student activists in the year 2009-2010, particularly those charged with student conduct beginning in November 20th and December 11th 2009.

4) Stop cuts to low-wage workers on campus and stop attacks against union activists; rehire all AFSCME service workers and UPTE union activists and Cal performances employees.

5) Suspend the Student code of conduct and initiate a democratic student-led process to review the code. Those participating in this process should be charged with attending particularly to concerns about students’ due process rights and to free speech considerations. If, through this review, it is determined that a new code can be written in any way that adequately addresses these concerns, a new code should be written by a democratic, student-led body. If not, the student code of conduct should be abolished.

6) Accept responsibility for the violence and escalation of the confrontation surrounding Wheeler Hall on November 20th and December 11th 2009 that resulted in injuries to many students and jeopardized the safety and security of AB540 students. Additionally, commit to using non-violent means of ensuring safety at student demonstrations in the future.

Come provide your support and bring plenty of water!

APRIL 2010 CHIAPAS/ZAPATISTA NEWS SUMMARY

2010-05-06T07:49:00.000-07:00

1. Jotola Violence Results in 18 People Displaced - The beatings, kidnappings, death threats and robbery we reported last month caused the displacement of 18 people from Jotola ejido. The Fray Bartolome de las Casas Human Rights Center (Frayba) issued a detailed report early in April describing the violence in Jotola. The report included a list of those displaced due to the unpunished violence. The report also asked for letters to Mexican authorities demanding protection of those Other Campaign members who remain in the community.

2. Commentary on Reforma Counterinsurgency Article - Last month we reported on an article published in the Mexican newspaper Reforma, allegedly unmasking Marcos and linking the EZLN to ETA. The article generated considerable political commentary, particularly in La Jornada. The commentary we found especially on point is by Gilberto Lopez y Rivas and refers to the attempt to link the EZLN to the Basque group ETA: "One obvious and evident purpose (of the attempt) is to identify the EZLN inside of organizations related to 'terrorism,' and consequently, to intensify the war of erosion against the Zapatista communities absorbed in the autonomous processes of ruling by obeying (mandar obedeciendo), and especially to justify military incursions against the Zapatista leadership politically."

3. 2 Dead in Attack on Oaxaca Caravan to San Juan Copala - The autonomous municipality of San Juan Copala, Oaxaca, is a member of the EZLN's Other Campaign. It also belongs to the APPO in Oaxaca. It is under attack by neighboring PRI members, allegedly paramilitary, belonging to a rival Triqui organization known as Ubisort. The PRI members recently cut off the water, access road and electricity to San Juan Copala, so a caravan of 27 folks from APPO groups, journalists and international human rights workers headed there to bring food, medicine, clothing and blankets. The caravan was ambushed, allegedly by the PRI members dressed as civilians, masked, and armed with AK-47s. A young Finnish man from an organization in Finland adhered to the Other Campaign was killed, as well as a Mexican woman from one of the Oaxaca organizations. Five people who were at first unaccounted for and considered disappeared were found alive. The federal attorney general's office has taken jurisdiction over the investigation.

There will be a demonstration in front of the Mexican Consulate in San Francisco on Thursday, May 6, between 11:00 AM and 1:00 PM

4. 2 Indigenous Women Freed by Mexico's Supreme Court - Alberta Alcantara Juan and Teresa Gonzalez Cornelio were freed on April 28, after serving more than 3 and a half years in prison. The Mexican Supreme Court overturned their convictions for the crime of kidnapping 6 federal agents. Mexico's Supreme Court found them innocent of the crime and said that an "unfortunate injustice" had occurred. The Court reviewed the evidence used against them, mostly testimony of the 6 federal agents, and found it lacking credibility. The women's case received much national and international attention. The charges stem from a raid on a traditional market (tianguis) in Queretaro state. Federal agents were raiding the market, apparently looking for pirate CDs, and damaged some of the women's merchandise in the process. The women protested and demanded payment for the damaged merchandise. The charges against them were allegedly filed in retaliation for their protest and demand. They had been sentenced to 21 years in prison by a local judge.

In Other Parts of Mexico...

Mexican President Felipe Calderón's war on drugs, the resulting violence, and the murder of innocent civilians by the Mexican Army continue grabbing the daily headlines. New figures show that 22,743 people have died as a result of the war on drugs and the number goes up every day.

1. Soldiers Shoot Unarmed Civilians; 2 Children Dead - 2 Nuevo Laredo families were on their way to the beach in Matamoros. There were 7 children in the two families. They approached an Army check point, slowed down, rolled down their windows so that the soldiers could see who was inside their SUV, and were waved on without a search. Moments later, soldiers opened fire on their vehicle and even threw fragmentation grenades at them. Two little boys, ages 9 and 5, were killed by the gunfire. Despite the parents shouting at the soldiers to stop shooting because there were 7 children in the vehicle, the shooting continued. Two adults were wounded by the bullets and were hospitalized. The parents of the murdered boys filed a complaint with the human rights commission in Nuevo Laredo. This incident followed the March killing of 2 postgraduate students at Monterrey Tech as they were leaving the school's library, the murder of 3 people connected to the US Consulate in Ciudad Juárez, attacks on Army bases near the border, and the killing of 10 youths, ranging in age from 8 to 21, by soldiers at a checkpoint in Durango.

2. Bomb Explodes at US Consulate in Nuevo Laredo - A home-made bomb exploded around 11 PM on April 9 at the United States Consulate in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas. No one was injured. Investigators determined that the bomb was apparently launched from the wall that surrounds the consulate, which was closed after the incident. The Mexican Army had troops surrounding the building the next morning.

3. Governor Richardson Sends National Guard to Border - New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson ordered the New Mexico National Guard to protect New Mexico's border with Mexico following the shooting death of a well-known Arizona rancher, allegedly by someone from Mexico. The ranch is on the border of New Mexico and the rancher belonged to a New Mexico ranchers association. While all the facts and circumstances of this case are not yet known (drugs were found on the ranch during the investigation), it is being alleged that the killer fled across the Mexican border after shooting the rancher. Governor Richardson was also among those calling for President Obama to send National Guard troops to patrol the border following the murder of a US Consulate employee and her husband last month. The call for more militarization of the border has been steadily increasing. Although Obama has not sent troops, additional agents from several US agencies are now working on the border.

4. Arizona Governor Signs Law Criminalizing Undocumented Immigrants - Arizona Governor Jan Brewer signed a law passed by the Arizona state legislature (SB 1070), which criminalizes undocumented persons in the state and gives local police the authority to demand documents from and arrest any individual suspected of being in the US illegally. Opponents accuse the bill of legalizing racial profiling and will challenge it in court.

5. The Clintons in Mexico - After the shooting of a US Consulate official and her husband last month, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano, Secretary of Defense Bill Gates and Admiral Mike Mullen visited Mexico briefly to deliver a message. The exact message delivered was not revealed publicly. However, when Clinton's husband, former US president Bill Clinton, visited Mexico in April, he may have given us a clue. La Jornada reported that Bill Clinton said the US continues to pressure Mexico to implement a "Plan Colombia" in Mexico to fight the drug traffickers.

__________________________________________________

Compiled monthly by the Chiapas Support Committee.

The primary sources for our information are: La Jornada, Enlace Zapatista and the Fray Bartolome de las Casas Human Rights Center (Frayba).

We encourage folks to distribute this information widely, but please include our name and contact information in the distribution. Gracias/Thanks.

News Summaries from previous months are now posted on our web page.

http://www.chiapas-support.org Click on the Donate button to support indigenous resistance

_______________________________________________________

Chiapas Support Committee/Comité de Apoyo a Chiapas

P.O. Box 3421, Oakland, CA 94609

Tel: (510) 654-9587

Email: cezmat@igc.org

http://www.chiapas-support.org

Puebla: Pronunciamiento por Bety Cariño

2010-05-05T12:01:00.001-07:00

La Mixteca que nos duele y nos hermana

Puebla a 4 de Mayo de 2010

Decir que fue una barbarie no alcanza a describir el tamaño de la tragedia y de la atrocidad que cometieron el gobierno oaxaqueño de Ulises Ruiz Ortiz y Evencio Martínez a través de los cobardes rifles del grupo paramilitar Unidad y Bienestar Social en la Región Triqui (UBISORT) en contra de una caravana humanitaria el 27 de abril pasado en la comunidad de la Sabana. Es imposible encontrar las palabras que puedan nombrar el dolor y la rabia que nos deja el asesinato de Alberta Cariño Trujillo, de “Bety pa los compas”, que como la Mixteca, su vida y su espíritu combativo y dulce hacen de Puebla y Oaxaca un mismo pueblo.

Puebla y Oaxaca son reflejos uno y otro de estados de impunidad y soberbia. Un estado como Puebla en el que se ha hecho urgente la lucha por la dignidad requiere de personas tan valiosas como Bety. A Puebla le va a hacer falta Bety, a la Puebla de abajo le sembró una semilla y muchas inspiraciones que están ahí latentes, floreciendo. La muerte de nuestra querida Bety Cariño nos deja con el incuestionable ejemplo que ella nos dio a quienes pudimos llamarla compañera. En su trabajo con la gente de abajo, en sus pasos por los pueblos, en los foros y reuniones Bety derramaba palabras muy fuertes con mucha soltura. Palabras y trabajo iban de la mano, y de su mano ahora caminamos los que queremos que con esos pasos se construyan esas formas dignas de sobrevivir, resistir y luchar en los pueblos por Libertad, Democracia y Justicia.

En momentos tan difíciles en los que la brutalidad y el descaro se imponen nuevamente es necesario que la solidaridad sea distinta, honesta. Que donde ya no hay cordura encontremos lugar para la sensatez. Que logremos que esta atrocidad no quede impune dependerá de un trabajo profundo, como los pasos de quienes hacen de su vida la lucha y de esta un ejemplo a seguir. No puede esta tragedia quedar en el olvido, como no puede tampoco convertirse en bandera del oportunismo, la memoria de Bety, como ella misma fue toda su vida, ni se olvida ni se vende. Bety es ahora parte de esas nubes que acompañan a su tierra, a los ñu-savi, a ese pueblo que lucha por su autonomía, por una paz digna y una justicia verdadera.

Sabemos que Jyri Jaakkola, el compañero internacionalista que murió junto a Bety, abogaba por la autonomía de las comunidades y por su capacidad de responder colectivamente a los cambios venideros. Lo conocimos poco, pero saber que murió diciéndole a sus compañeros que se salvaran, saber que su cuerpo se encontraba cubriendo el de Bety habla de su sensibilidad y valentía, lo hace un ejemplo de solidaridad comprometida y nos honra que en su memoria lo podamos llamar compañero.

A Omar, a sus hijos y a los compañeros del Centro de Apoyo Comunitario Trabajando Unidos (CACTUS) les decimos que no están solos, simplemente porque nosotros somos ustedes.

A los paramilitares y gobernantes que tratan de amenazar a nuestros compañeros desde sus oscuros escondites les decimos que su impunidad se limita a esos oscuros escondites, que la justicia llega porque tarde o temprano las balas y las prebendas se acaban.

No existe forma más digna de morir que hacerlo como lo hicieron Bety y Jyri, enfrentando a armas y asesinos con nada más que un corazón digno y consecuente. Los que desde la cobardía del poder tratan de masacrar la dignidad tal vez puedan enterrarnos, pero olvidan que somos semilla.

¡Ni con la muerte, ni con metrallas a Bety se le calla!

Enlace Urbano de Dignidad

Comisión Takachiualis de Derechos Humanos

Movimiento Agrario Indígena Zapatista - Puebla

Nodo de Derechos Humanos

Proyecto de Animación y Desarrollo

Unión de Defensores de Derechos Humanos

Colectivo Utopía Puebla

Colectivo de Trabajadores Democráticos

Nodo Zexto

A Pollo Colectivo

Acción Directa Autogestiva

Consejo Democrático Magisterial Poblano

Radio Turbina (SME-Necaxa)

Sierra Encantada TV

Message for Atenco from the Other New York

2010-05-05T11:59:00.000-07:00

To our sisters and brothers from the People’s Front in Defense of the Land:
To our sisters and brothers Zapatistas:
To our compañer@s from The Other Campaign:
To our compañer@s from the Zezta Internazional:
To our compañer@s adherents to the International Campaign in Defense of El Barrio and our allies from all over the world :

Accept this greeting in solidarity from the women, men and children, the socially marginalized who belong to The Other Campaign New York, Movement for Justice in El Barrio, in zapatista East Harlem.

Today, May 3rd 2010, on the fourth anniversary of the repression, murders, arrests, rapes, torture, and house raids committed by the military police in Atenco, Movement for Justice in El Barrio reaffirms our committment to the struggle for justice for the dignified people of San Salvador Atenco, Mexico.

Today, on this fourth anniversary of the repression, we commemorate the social justice fighter Alexis Benhumea and Javier Cortez who were assasinated by the bad government during the brutal attacks. With pain we remember them. Determined to fight so that their deaths will not be in vain we remember them. So that one day we can live in a world that they dreamed of where all worlds fit.

Today, on this fourth anniversary of the repression, we also want to recognize the strength of the great women fighters who were raped by the police during the take-over of the town. Their pain enrages us and we admire their courage, not only have they had to deal with the worst imaginable suffering. They have exposed the brutality and sexual torture committed by the State against women who fight for justice. Because of these dignified women, which the State tried to humiliate, the magnitude of cruelty at which the military police operates became known. Their courageous voice grows within us and we hope to one day be worthy of their dignity.

Today, on this fourth anniversary of the repression, as immigrants from the other side with heart and memory we unite in our cry of rage to the cry of our beloved sisters and brothers of the People’s Front in Defense of the Land, who have familiy members in prison serving absurd sentences for invented crimes, while the true criminals of the bad goverment are not being accused of anything.

From here in New York we demand:

1) Liberty for the 12 political prisoners of Atenco.

2) That the Supreme Court of Justice review the case of Atenco with impartiality.

3) Cancelation of the arrest warrants for those two who are being persecuted.

4) Revocation and repeal of the sentences.

5) Total respect for the human rights of the detained and persecuted.

6) Punishment for those responsible for the violations of human rights.

We will not rest until these demands are met.

We also humbly ask the dignified people of the world that EVERYONE unite with the National and International Campaign of Liberty and Justice for Atenco (www.atencolibertadyjusticia.com) so that TOGETHER we can achieve justice for our dear brothers and sisters of Atenco.

WE ARE ALL ATENCO!

LIBERTY FOR THE POLITICAL PRISONERS!

From The Other Campaign New York, sincerely:

Movement for Justice in El Barrio

Audios: Plantón Primero Nuestr@s Pres@s

2010-05-05T08:22:00.000-07:00

Escucha los audios del Plantón Primero Nuestr@s Pres@s, el 3 y 4 de mayo en el zócalo de la Ciudad de México:
www.radiozapatista.org

Mensaje Sobre Atenco de La Otra Nueva York

2010-05-03T22:16:00.000-07:00

A nuestr@s hermanas y hermanos del Frente de Pueblos en Defensa de la Tierra:
A nuestr@s hermanas y hermanos zapatistas:
A nuestr@s companer@s de La Otra Campaña:
A nuestr@s companer@s de la Zezta Internazional:
A nuestr@s companer@s adherentes a la Campaña Internacional en Defensa del Barrio y nuestros aliados de todo el mundo:

Reciban un saludo solidario de las mujeres, hombres y niñ@s, los marginados sociales pertenecientes a La Otra Campaña Nueva York, Movimiento por Justicia del Barrio, en el este de Harlem zapatista.

Hoy, 3 de mayo del 2010, en el cuarto aniversario de la represión, los asesinatos, los arrestos, las violaciones, las torturas y los allamientos de morada cometidos por la policía militarizada en Atenco, Movimiento por Justicia del Barrio reafirma nuestro compromiso con la lucha por justicia para el pueblo digno de San Salvador Atenco, México.

Hoy, en este cuarto aniversario de la represión, conmemoramos al luchador social Alexis Benhumea y a Javier Cortez que fueron asesinados por el mal gobierno durante el ataque brutal. Los recordamos con dolor. Los recordamos decididos a luchar para que su muerte no sea en vano. Para que un día podamos vivir en el mundo donde quepan los muchos mundos que ellos soñaron.

Hoy, en este cuarto aniversario de la represión, también queremos reconocer la fuerza de las grandes mujeres luchadoras que fueron violadas por la policía durante la toma del pueblo a manos de la policía militarizada. Nos indigna su dolor y nos admira su valentía, pues no sólo han soportado los más inimaginables sufrimientos. Ellas han sacado a la luz la brutalidad y tortura sexual cometidas por el Estado contra las mujeres que luchan por justicia. Por esas mujeres dignas a las que el Estado trató de humillar se conoció la dimensión de la crueldad con la que actuó la policía militarizada. Su voz valiente crece en nosotros, y esperamos hacernos merecedores de su dignidad.

Hoy, en este cuarto aniversario de la represión y desde el otro lado, como migrantes con corazón y memoria nos unimos con nuestro grito de rabia a la de nuestros queridos herman@s del Frente de Pueblos en Defensa de la Tierra, quienes tienen familiares presos cumpliendo condenas absurdas por crímenes inventados, mientras a los verdaderos criminales del mal gobierno no se les acusa de nada.

Desde aqui en Nueva York exigimos:

1) Libertad a los 12 presos políticos de Atenco

2) Que la Suprema Corte de Justicia revise con imparcialidad el caso de Atenco.

3) Cancelación de las órdenes de aprensión a los 2 perseguid@s

4) Revocación y anulación de las sentencias

5) Respeto irrestricto de los derechos humanos de los detenidos y perseguid@s;

6) Castigo a los responsables de las violaciones a los derechos humanos

Nosotr@s no descansaremos hasta que estas demandas se cumplan.

También pedimos humildemente al los pueblos dignos del mundo que TOD@S se unan a la Campaña Nacional e Internacional Libertad y Justicia para Atenco (www.atencolibertadyjusticia.com) para que JUNT@S logremos justicia para nuestr@s querid@s hermanos y hermanos de Atenco.

¡TODOS SOMOS ATENCO!

¡PRESOS POLÍTICOS, LIBERTAD!

Desde La Otra Nueva York, fraternalmente:

Movimiento por Justicia del Barrio

URGENTE: Amenazas en contra de residentes de Lomas del Poleo, Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua

2010-05-03T22:12:00.000-07:00

Hoy lunes 3 de mayo de 2010, a las 12:30 del día, la compañera Carmen Quiñones y Aurelio Carranza fueron amenzados una vez más por Catarino del Río Camacho, empleado de Pedro Zaragoza Fuentes, quién llegó al mando de un grupo de 15 hombres armados con pistolas, palos y dos perros de pelea. Catarino y los guardias blancas llegaron en cuatros camionetas y se metieron al terreno de los compañeros Carmen y Aurelio. Catarino le dijo a D. Aurelio : " Pinche viejo, vas a valer madre" " Te voy a tumbar la casa, todo ".

Desde hace 40 años, la colonia Granjas Lomas del Poleo fue fundada por campesinos inmigrantes. Ellos abrieron calles, construyeron la Escuela Primaria " Alfredo Nava Sahagún" y le dieron vida al Nor Poniente de Ciudad Juárez.

Desde hace siete años, el empresario Pedro Zaragoza Fuentes, ha tratado de despojar de la Tierra a las y los habitantes de Lomas del Poleo, después de que se dió a conocer un "Plan de desarrollo económico" para el Norponiente de la ciudad. Pedro Zaragoza ha actuado con toda la impunidad que le ha permitido el gobierno Municipal, Estatal y Federal.

En enero de éste año, las y los habitantes de Lomas del Poleo decidieron llevar la lucha por la Tierra a una nueva etapa, una lucha política, colectiva. Emplazaron al gobierno de Felipe Calderón para que se abra una Mesa Pública de Diálogo para Lomas del Poleo, en la cual se revisarán de manera pública cuatro exigencias que están plantenado las y los colonos de Lomas del Poleo:

Regularización de la Posesión de la Tierra

Restablecer el Estado de Derecho en Lomas del Poleo. ( qué significa quitar el cerco que rodea a la colonia, el retiro inmediato de los hombres armados que controlan los accesos de Lomas del Poleo, la apertura de las calles, reposición de la postería eléctrica... )

Revisión, investigación y castigo para los responsables de delitos y violaciones a los derechos humanos cometidos en contra de la gente de la colonia.

Seguridad y garantía para la Escuela primaria Alfredo Nava Sahagún.

¡ Tierra, Justicia y Libertad para Lomas del Poleo !

Gobernantes de Oaxaca implicados en el asesinato de dos activistas

2010-05-02T09:50:00.000-07:00

Declaración ALTO A LAS AGRESIONES CONTRA LA OTRA CAMPAÑA

2010-05-02T09:47:00.000-07:00

ALTO A LAS AGRESIONES CONTRA LA OTRA CAMPAÑA

En días pasados conocimos las provocaciones y agresiones que los malos gobiernos federal, estatal y municipal, utilizando a sus fuerzas policíacas y al grupo para militar OPDDIC realizaron en contra de los compañeros y compañeras Bases de Apoyo Zapatista en las comunidades de Bolon Ajaw, laguna de San Pedro y en el poblado de Santo Domingo, Casa Blanca.

De igual manera, en el estado de Chiapas se han generado agresiones y represión en contra de compañeros y compañeras adherentes a la Otra Campaña en los ejidos de Bachajón y Jotolá, por medio de la banda paramilitar OPDDIC y en Mitzitón en donde la agresión del gobierno y de los ricos se ha desarrollado por medio del grupo paramilitar conocido como “Ejército de Dios” quienes han llegado ya al asesinato.

En días pasados conocimos del secuestro del compañero Francisco de Asis Verdía Manuel, presidente de Bienes Comunales de Santa María Ostula. Antes, el 23 de febrero de este año fueron también secuestrados los compañeros comuneros de Santa María Ostula Javier Robles Martínez y Gerardo Vera Orcino miembros de la comisión por la defensa de los bienes comunales. Todos ellos fueron detenidos y desaparecidos por bandas paramilitares. Contando con el silencio cómplice del gobierno de Michoacán. Tememos por la vida de nuestros tres compañeros miembros del Congreso Nacional Indígena.

En el DF se dio el secuestro del compañero Virgilio Noel Mundo López adherente a la Sexta Declaración de la Selva Lacandona. Y el homicidio de la compañera trabajadora sexual independiente María Fernanda en las calles de calzada de Tlalpan.

En Guerrero las provocaciones y amenazas en contra de los compañeros que se oponen a la construcción de la presa de la Parota, quienes actualmente enfrentan nuevamente el embate de los gobiernos federal, estatal y municipal para expropiarles sus tierra y construir el proyecto hidroeléctrico, así como las agresiones a nuestros compañeros de las comunidades en la Sierra y la Montaña, las que se han incrementado últimamente con la acción de grupos paramilitares protegidos por el gobierno y el ejército mexicano y las amenazas y agresiones a defensores de derechos humanos.

El día de ayer, 27 de abril, conocimos de la agresión que sufrió la Caravana de Solidaridad que se dirigía a San Juan Copala, partiendo de la ciudad de Oaxaca, por francotiradores del grupo oficialista denominado UBISORT, en el que hasta el momento se menciona la muerte de dos compañeros, entre ellos nuestra compañera BEATRIZ ALBERTA CARIÑO TRUJILLO, dirigenta de CACTUS y adherente a La Otra Campaña, así como varios compañeros desaparecidos y heridos. La saña con la que el gobierno de Oaxaca y el estado mexicano atacan a la solidaridad que desde abajo se expresa con el pueblo Triqui es tal, que no podemos dejar de repudiar y denunciar esta abominable acción represiva.

Por estas razones convocamos a todos los compañeros y compañeras adherentes a la VI Declaración de la Selva Lacandona y de la Otra Campaña a manifestar su rechazo a estos hechos de represión en contra de los luchadores sociales y en particular de miembros de la Otra Campaña en el país.

El 3 y 4 de mayo estaremos en el zócalo del DF y en plazas públicas de varias ciudades para demandar la libertad de nuestros compañeros y compañeras presos políticos. Desde ahí levantaremos nuestra voz en contra de la represión y por el respeto a todos los luchadores sociales.

Colectivos, organizaciones y adherentes individuales de la Otra Campaña

Campaña Primero Nuestrxs Presxs

Red Contra la Represión y por la Solidaridad

Red Mexicana de Trabajo Sexual

Brigada Sembrando Dignidad

Brigada Callejera de Apoyo a la Mujer “Elisa Martínez” AC

Brújula Roja

Colectivo Cabañas

Colectivo de Mujeres Tejiendo Resistencias

Colectivo de Trabajadores de la Educación

Colectivo Karakola Global

Colectivo por esta Libertad

Colectivo Radio Zapatista

Colectivo Zapatista Neza

Coordinadora Valle de Chalco

Cruz Negra Anarquista de México

Convención Metropolitana de Artistas y Trabajadores de la Cultura (CMATC)

Escuela de Cultura Popular Mártires del 68 (ECPM 68)

Frente del Pueblo (FP)

Frente Popular Francisco Villa Independiente-UNOPII

La Otra Cultura Inlakech

Movimiento de Unificación y Lucha Triqui (MULT)

Partido de los Comunistas (PC)

Regional Sur Poniente

Resistencias Enlazando Dignidad-Movimiento y Corazón Zapatista (RedMyC)

Sector Mujeres y la Sexta

Sector Niñas y Niños de la Otra Campaña

Unidad Obrera y Socialista (¡UníoS!)

Unión de Vecinos y Damnificados “19 de septiembre” (UVyD-19)

GUERRERO:

Comité de Familiares y Amigos de Secuestrados, desaparecidos y asesinados en Guerrero

Movimiento Popular Vicente Guerrero de Tixtla

Taller de Desarrollo comunitario (TADECO)

JALISCO:

Seminario Movimientos Sociales Sujetos y Prácticas

Colectivo Mezcala,

Comité Salvabosque Tigre II,

Brigada Callejera,

Un Salto de Vida,

Colectivo Ixcatán,

Colectivo Rebelión Cotidiana

Grupo Libertario Solidaridad,

Colectivo Cuadernos de la Resistencia

OAXACA:

Colectivo de Presos Políticos y de Conciencia de la Región Loxicha

"La Voz de los Zapotecos Xiches en Prisión"

Colectivo 20 de Junio (Zaachila, Oaxaca)

TIJUANA, BC:

Centro de Información para Trabajadoras y Trabajadores, A.C.

Casa de Cultura Obrera

Comité Cosme Damián

CHIHUAHUA, CHIH:

Comité de Madres con Hijos Desaparecidos Políticos de Chihuahua

Colectivo la Otra Ciudad de Chihuahua

SINALOA:

Unión de Madres con Hijos Desaparecidos de Sinaloa

TAMAULIPAS:

Colectivo Conciencia Rebelde del Otro Tampico

Disidente Radio de la otra ciudad Victoria.

Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos Emiliano Zapata, AC del Otro Matamoros

SOLIDARIOS:

Comité de Lucha de la Escuela Superior de Economía-IPN (CLESE)

Movimiento de Acción y Resistencia Sindical del IMSS

La Resistencia

Marchan trabajadoras sexuales y carretilleros del centro histórico

2010-05-02T09:34:00.000-07:00

POR EL DERECHO AL TRABAJO

*El otro primero de mayo
*No a la reubicación
*Rechazo a las zonas de tolerancia

México, D.F., 1 de mayo.-

Por quinto año consecutivo, más de 200 integrantes de la Red Mexicana de Trabajo Sexual (RMTS), organización donde participan mujeres y hombres de diferentes estados de la república que ejercen este oficio, marchó por las calles de La Merced en protesta contra el cierre de hoteles, la reubicación en zonas de tolerancia como Buenavista y el esclarecimiento de los últimos asesinatos de sus compañeras.

El contingente integrado por más de dos mil adherentes de la Otra Campaña, convocada por el Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN), salió a las diez de la mañana de Corregidora y Circunvalación hacia el zócalo capitalino. Por ser un día internacional de huelga contra el capitalismo, trabajadores de la calle, exigieron erradicar la explotación de la clase obrera y tener acceso a la vivienda. Así mismo, dieron a conocer demandas de la Otra Campaña, como la libertad de los presos políticos del país, afirmó un vocero de In-lak-ech de la otra cultura.

Activistas del Frente Popular Francisco Villa Independiente, señalaron que la lucha de las trabajadoras sexuales es de todo el pueblo y que es un sector al que no se le reconocen sus derechos, no cuenta con seguridad social y es hostigado por las autoridades. En tanto, las trabajadoras sexuales se manifestaron en contra de la trata de blancas, los padrotes y madrotas, reafirmando su negativa a ser confinadas a zonas de tolerancia, con pancartas que decían “Agustín Torres, reubica a tu madre en Buenavista”.

Los grupos que asistieron, expresaron que esta marcha es una lucha común, por un mundo donde quepan todos los pobres, como las comunidades indígenas, los carretilleros, vagoneros, microbuseros y trabajadoras sexuales, que están siendo expulsadas por el programa de rescate del Centro Histórico, al servicio de Carlos Slim, el hombre más rico del mundo, denunció Alma Delia. Por ello, la resistencia, la defensa del trabajo y de las calles y la lucha contra la explotación del hombres por el hombres, como lo mencionaron los trabajadores de la otra salud.

Durante toda la marcha se escucharon consignas de apoyo al EZLN y comunidades hostigadas por paramilitares como Acteal y Mitzitón en Chiapas, Ostula en Michoacán y en Oaxaca, donde fue atacada la caravana de observación que se dirigía al municipio autónomo de San Juan Copala y fueron asesinados los activistas de la otra campaña: BEATRÌZ ALBERTA CARIÑO TRUJILLO integrante de CACTUS y TYRI ANTERO JAAKKOLA, compañero observador internacional originario de Finlandia, de la Sexta internacional.

Por el taller de periodismo “Aquiles Baeza”.

París: Manifestaciones en protesta al ataque paramilitar contra la caravana de solidaridad con San Juan Copala, Oaxaca

2010-05-02T09:26:00.000-07:00

En Oaxaca, los asesinos al servicio del partido en el poder masacran una
caravana de solidaridad en dirección de San Juan Copala.En París y en todo
el mundo, la solidaridad con la lucha de los pueblos de México se
organiza.

Nosotros, individuos y miembros de varios colectivos y organizaciones:
Colectivo Pico y Pala, Colectivo Zero, Comité de solidaridad con los
indígenas de las Américas, Comité de solidaridad con los pueblos de
Chiapas en lucha, CNT, Les Trois Passants, Ministerio de Regularización de
todos los sin papeles y Tierra y Libertad para Arauco, nos reunimos el 30
de abril de 2010 frente a la embajada de México, en París, para manifestar
nuestra solidaridad con los pueblos en lucha, por su libertad y su
autonomía y para expresar nuestro rechazo a la represión sistemática
orquestrada de manera directa o indirecta por los poderes mexicanos. En
esta acción, algunos de los miembros de la organización del Ministerio de
Regularización de todos los sin papeles, tomaron la palabra en francés y
en español para expresar su apoyo y solidaridad con el pueblo de Oaxaca.

Aprovechando de la marcha del primero de mayo contra el capitalismo que
salió de la “place de fêtes”, desplegamos una banderola que nos recuerda
la solidaridad sin fronteras, así mismo se distribuyeron volantes
explicativos sobre el ataque paramilitar contra la caravana de solidaridad
con San Juan Copala, Oaxaca. Al grito de ¡Zapata Vive, La Lucha Sigue!
marchamos con las fotos de nuestros compañeros asesinados en la caravana.

En el Estado de Oaxaca, el pasado 27 de abril, una caravana de solidaridad
formada por miembros de distintas organizaciones civiles mexicanas e
internacionales, fue atacada cuando se dirigía a la comunidad indígena
autónoma de San Juan Copala. Aproximadamente unos veinte paramilitares,
miembros de la organización UBISORT (Unidad de Bienestar Social para la
Región Triqui) afiliada al PRI que está en el poder, balearon la caravana
dejando un saldo de dos muertos y aproximadamente quince heridos. Algunos
participantes fueron capturados y otros lograron escapar hacia las
montañas.

Beatríz Cariño Trujillo, directora del colectivo CACTUS y Jyry Jaakkola,
de la organización Uusi Tuuli Ry (Nueve Viento), observador internacional
finlandés, fueron asesinados en esta emboscada premeditada. Dos de las
personas heridas, Érika Soemi Ramírez Pardo y David Cajeme Cilia García,
periodistas de la revista Contralínea, que lograron huir y esconderse en
la montaña a pesar de sus heridas, fueron rescatados después de haberse
escondido en la montaña durante tres días.

La caravana tenía como objetivo romper el cerco paramilitar que mantiene
sitiado al municipio de San Juan Copala, desde octubre de 2009. Desde
hace varios meses, bloquean el acceso a la comunidad, prohíben todo tipo
de aprovisionamiento y hacen reinar el pánico por medio de numerosos
asesinatos. Este estado de terror se ejerce con el fin de destruir el
proceso de autonomía proclamado y puesto en práctica desde enero de 2007
por la asamblea comunal. Las regiones indígenas de Oaxaca han atravesado
conflictos intensos desde hace décadas que culminaron con el levantamiento
del 2006 con la creación de la APPO, en contra del gobernador corrupto
Ulises Ruiz. Forzado a la huida por la amplitud del movimiento y su
capacidad de auto-organización, el gobierno no pudo recuperar el control
del Estado sino seis meses más tarde con el apoyo del poder federal
sirviéndose del terror (asesinatos, desapariciones, torturas y
encarcelamientos). El ataque de esta caravana donde los asesinatos fueron
perpetrados a la vista de todos, demuestra muy bien que esta guerra social
atraviesa por una nueva etapa que ya ni siquiera se disimula.

Oaxaca no es la excepción. En los Estados vecinos de Chiapas, de Guerrero
y de Michoacán, los pueblos indígenas están confrontados, de la misma
manera, a un permanente hostigamiento militar, paramilitar y judicial. En
Chiapas donde las comunidades zapatistas ponen en práctica su autonomía
desde hace 16 años, la ocupación del territorio, por parte del Ejercito
Mexicano permite a los grupos paramilitares multiplicar las agresiones
impunemente. Un ejemplo de esto, es la organización paramilitar del”
Ejército de Dios” que busca por medio del terror cotidiano, expulsar a los
habitantes de la comunidad de Mitziton con la finalidad de expropiarse las
tierras en las cuales el gobierno planea construir una autopista.

En la costa sur de Michoacán, en Santa María Ostula, a partir del momento
en el que los campesinos nahuas recuperaron sus tierras y formaron su
guardia comunal; los secuestros, desapariciones y asesinatos se han
multiplicado.

Estas políticas criminales son el resultado de la aplicación de los
acuerdos del libre comercio con los países de Estados Unidos de América y
de Europa. El supuesto desarrollo económico permite la entrega y el
despojo de los recursos naturales a las multinacionales, obligando a sus
habitantes a desplazarse hacia los países ricos, con fronteras
inaccesibles, convirtiéndose en la mano de obra barata.

Más allá de los continentes, la lucha por la autonomía y la libertad unen
a hombres y mujeres determinados a retomar el destino que pretenden
arrancarles. En México, los pueblos indígenas luchan contra el exterminio.
En Europa, los inmigrantes del mundo entero rechazan la clandestinidad y
reivindican sus derechos por la libre circulación. Estas luchas nos
conciernen a todos directamente. La solidaridad entre los proyectos que se
construyen desde las bases, organizada en asambleas por medio de la
democracia directa, es inseparable de la transformación de las relaciones
sociales.

Por nuestros compañeros mexicanos que luchan en Oaxaca y en México:

¡Alto a los ataques paramilitares del gobierno asesino de Ulises Ruiz!

¡Retiro inmediato del bloqueo paramilitar del que sufre el municipio
autónomo de San Juan Copala

¡Alto al financiamiento, el armamento y la impunidad de la que gozan los
grupos paramilitares en los estados de Oaxaca, Chiapas, Guerrero y
Michoacán!

Después de las amenazas declaradas por el gobernador Ulises Ruiz en contra
de nuestros compañeros; responsabilizamos al gobierno de Oaxaca de
cualquier ataque en contra de nuestros compañeros y compañeras de lucha.

París, 2 de mayo de 2010.

En solidaridad,

CSPCL – Les Trois Passants – Tamazgha – Tierra y Libertad para Arauco

Paramilitary Attack Leaves Two Dead and Three Disappeared

2010-04-28T23:19:00.000-07:00

http://elenemigocomun.net/3444/x/en#more-3444

To the news media
To the peoples of Mexico
To the peoples of the world
To the peoples of Oaxaca

Armed attack on the Support and Solidarity Caravan to the Autonomous
Municipality of San Juan Copala, Oaxaca

CONTEXT:

Yesterday, an announcement was sent to the news media about the
Caravan headed for the Triqui Region in our state of Oaxaca. Caravan
participants include members of the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of
Oaxaca (APPO), Section 22 of the teachers’ union, Oaxacan Voices
Constructing Autonomy and Freedom (VOCAL), CACTUS, members of MULT-I
(Independent Triqui Movement of Unification and Struggle), as well as
international observers.

As announced, the caravan left the city of Huajuapan de León, Oaxaca,
at 11:00 a.m. on April 27, 2010, with the aim of breaking the siege
around the Autonomous Triqui Community, a manifestation of state and
paramilitary repression on the process of autonomy being built in this
community. The violent paramilitary attacks have occurred at different
times in San Juan Copala’s autonomous process and have been led by the
paramilitary UBISORT organization (Social Welfare Union of the Triqui
Region), now presided over by Rufino Juárez Hernández and MULT (Triqui
Movement of Unification and Struggle).

Before the caravan left, the autonomous president of San Juan Copala,
Jesús Martínez Flores held the following people responsible for any
aggression whatsoever against it: Oaxaca State Attorney General
Evencio Nicolás Martínez, Oaxaca Minister of the Interior Jorge Franco
Vargas, ”el Chuky”, and PRI party legislative candidate Carlos
Martínez. He also demanded that UBISORT and MULT behave responsibly
and take the Triqui people’s peace talks seriously.

THE FACTS:

About 100 Km. from the entrance to La Sabana, the road was blocked
with stones, and that’s where the cowardly attack began with firearms
whose caliber is as of yet undetermined. The attack was perpetrated by
around 15 paramilitaries at the service of the government of the
killer Ulises Ruiz Ortiz, destroying the vehicles, wounding one
comrade, and killing two others, according to initial reports.

During the attack, some comrades escaped, running into the mountains.
Their location is unknown and it is feared that they have been
captured by paramilitaries. The disappeared comrades are NOE BAUTISTA
JIMENEZ, DAVID VENEGAS REYES, and DANIEL ARELLANO CHAVEZ, all members
of VOCAL.

We have just received information about the two comrades who lost
their lives in this attack. They are CACTUS member BEATRÌZ ALBERTA
CARIÑO TRUJILLO, and an international observer from Finland, JYRI
ANTERO JAAKKOLA. Both were shot dead.

During the attack, our comrade MONICA CITLALI SANTIAGO ORTIZ was shot
in the back and has received medical attention at Juxtlahuaca.

Other people at the scene of the shooting were forced out of the
vehicles and taken down the mountain to be interrogated. Some received
death threats before being released on the highway. VOCAL member RUBÈN
VALENCIA NUÑEZ was detained by paramilitaries who took his voter
registration card and cell phone and threatened him with death before
turning him loose.

An ambulance arrived at the scene to give medical attention to the
wounded, but it was also fired upon in a cowardly paramilitary attack,
causing it to leave. As it was leaving, the medics came to the aid of
a wounded comrade, who confirmed the deaths of the two previously
mentioned comrades.

Due to confusion and uncertainty regarding the events, it has been
impossible to ascertain the whereabouts or the physical and
psychological situation of the previously mentioned comrades.

WE EMPHATICALLY DENOUNCE the fact that this armed attack is the
product of the conditions of institutional violence and impunity
enjoyed by paramilitary groups in this region of our state and
directed against different expressions of the social struggle in
Oaxaca, specifically the construction of autonomous processes.

This aggression takes place in the circumstances of isolation and the
state of siege imposed on the municipality of San Juan Copala, where
children have been deprived of their classes since January.
Furthermore, the lights have been turned off and the community has no
access to drinking water or medical personnel. It is subjected to
permanent harassment from military troops that have set up a roadblock
just outside the town.

WE DEMAND:

– that the government of the killer Ulises Ruiz put an end to all
paramilitary attacks in the Triqui Region, and to the financing,
provision of arms, and impunity enjoyed by these paramilitary groups
in our state;

– and assure the immediate presentation of our disappeared comrades.

WE CALL ON:

the people of Oaxaca, Mexico, and the international community and
different social organizations, collectives and groups to make a
visible show of solidarity and support, demanding the live
presentation of our disappeared brothers and punishment of the
responsible people. We also ask that you demand an end to the
conditions of violence imposed on the Autonomous Municipality of San
Juan Copala.

Live presentation of our disappeared comrades!
Punishment for the murders of our comrades!
An end to the attacks against the Autonomous Municipality of San Juan Copala!
An end to the paramilitary blockade around this autonomous Triqui community!

Oaxacan Voices Constructing Autonomy and Freedom

(VOCAL)
****************************************************
Rights activists killed in Mexico

http://english.aljazeera.net/news/americas/2010/04/201042812413686521.html
By Andrew Wander
Wednesday, April 28, 2010

Two human rights activists have been killed in a paramilitary attack
on an aid convoy travelling to a breakaway region of southern Mexico,
the convoy's organisers have said.

Gunmen opened fire on the convoy as it was carrying food and water to
a blockaded indigenous community in Oaxaca state.

At least three others were injured in the attack, which took place
outside the town of La Sabana en route to the San Juan Copala
municipality,which has declared itself autonomous, the convoy's
organisers told Al Jazeera.

VOCAL, a human rights group involved in organising the convoy,
released a statement stating that two activists had been shot dead by
gunmen who oppose the declaration.

FROM A BACKGROUND ARTICLE WHICH FOLLOWS The formation of Voices of
Women from Oaxaca Building Autonomy and Freedom (VOCAL), a space
formed not only by individuals and anarchist collectives but also by
many others since the beginning of the mobilizations that were fought
from inside and outside the APPO. U. An area that affects autonomy as
a basis for socio-political order and refuses to leave the reins of
political destiny in the hands of political parties.
VOCAL has already been subjected to harassment and repression and not
only by the State. The imprisonment on April 13th of one of its
members, David Venegas Reyes, a member of the State Board of APPO from
where they fought against the positions of electioneering to those he
defined as traitors to the movement (and who have identified and even
accused of being a infiltration) is the clearest example of this.

Currently Oaxaca is living in a state of selective repression and
harassment against all groups who continue to advocate the need for
the disappearance of the state and the formal democracy that underpins
it and this is helped by groups, such as the RPF, that criminalize all
those who are standing in way of the claims of institutional power.
Surely the media will give support to some of the processes that
sooner or later will erupt and lead to situations worthy of a good
photograph on the front page. Until that time, we must not forget and
as often is said these lands, "Zapata lives, the struggle continues."

"Regrettably, as information is coming in, we know that two comrades
lost their lives in this paramilitary attack," the statement said.
"This armed attack is a product of the conditions of institutional
violence and impunity that paramilitary groups enjoy in this region."

"This attack occurred in the context of the isolation and state of
siege that the municipality of San Juan Copala lives under, where
since January the children have not had classes, where the community
does not have electricity, water, doctors, and lives under permanent
paramilitary harassment as a result of the blockade they have
established there."

The organisation said one of the dead was a Finnish national who was
travelling with the convoy as an international observer.

Finland's foreign ministry was unable to verify the death, but said it
had received "unconfirmed reports" that a Finn had been killed in the
incident.

"There has been no confirmation yet of what occurred in this attack,"
an official from the ministry's Latin America department told Al
Jazeera.

Cactus, an indigenous rights organisation also involved in organising
the convoy, told Al Jazeera that it was attacked shortly after setting
off on Tuesday, and that 12 of the 24 members of the group remain
unnaccounted for.

"12 escaped and are ok, but 12 are still missing in Copala. Five have
been injured, some seriously," a Cactus official said.

Series of attacks

San Juan Copala is populated by members of the Trique indigenous
people, and declared itself autonomous from the Oaxaca state
government in 2007 in protest at what it says is a policy of
discrimination and harrassment against its people.

The declaration of autonomy has been dismissed by authorities, and the
municipality has been subjected to a blockade by local paramilitaries
loyal to the state government.

The latest attack is being blamed on a local paramilitary group known
as Ubisort, which had warned earlier this week that it would prevent
the convoy from reaching its destination.

Convoy organisers were so worried by the threat that they issued a
joint press release hours before the attack warning that they could be
the target of "aggression" en route to San Juan Copala.

"Given the circumstances, we hold the government of Ulises Ruiz
[Oaxaca state governor] responsible for any aggression any member of
the media or human rights observer could face," the statement said.

The Trique people say they face a range of abuses from
government-backed paramilitaries who oppose their attempts at
self-rule.

Previous convoys have been blocked from reaching the municipality, and
Trique community buildings have been attacked by armed gangs,
resulting in several deaths.

In 2008, two young Trique women who worked at a community radio
station were shot dead on their way to Oaxaca City in what Trique
leaders said was a targeted attack against members of the community.
*****************************************************

Anarchism and libertarian currents in the Oaxaca insurrectionary movement

http://libcom.org/library/anarchism-libertarian-currents-the-oaxaca-insurrectionary-movement

Article examining the influence of libertarian ideas in the recent
uprisings in Oaxaca, Mexico.

SERGIO DE CASTRO SANCHEZ
Originally published in Spanish on oaxacalibre.org and in Rojo Y
Negro, newspaper of the CGT
Translated by a comrade of Capital Terminus Collective

Between June and November of 2006, the Mexican state of Oaxaca lived
through a popular revolt that both astonished and shocked the world.
While the mass media took its characteristic perspective on the
conflict, the people of Oaxaca rejected Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz
(URO), of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and took the
capital city demanding his ouster as the starting point for the
creation of a new political and economic order to wipe out the huge
social inequalities that submerge the mostly indigenous state.

To talk about the historical background that led to this uprising can
be misleading. And it is because our discussion is imparted with an
essential difference between that which occurred before and that which
occurred after June 14th. In reality, the struggle in Oaxaca, Mexico
and Latin America is a continuum in which only the limits of our
thinking and of our language that impose dates and events with special
historical interest, while ignoring the "silent" processes and
"marginal of history "(at least media-wise) that occur within the
society, as well as the struggles and the repression exerted upon
them. Knowing this, however, we do advise that the fight in Oaxaca
goes back to the arrival of the Spaniards, here we will just focus on
the recent past.

A brief history
On June 14th 2006, 3,000 troops from different bodies of the Mexican
State Police tried to enter the main city plaza or Zocalo with the
intention to evict the annual encamped "sit-in" that the Mexican
National Educational Workers Union (SNTE) union had established at the
Zócalo for the past 25 years as a means of pressure for a series of
demands. The people of Oaxaca joined together under this movement and
went to the streets forcing the police to retreat. From that moment on
and despite the authoritarian and repressive policies of Ulises Ruiz
Ortiz (URO), the ouster of the governor became the unanimous demand of
the people. A few days later, several organizations joined with the
teachers in the creation of the famous People's Assembly of the People
of Oaxaca (APPO), which in its first instance would be led by thirty
members who comprised the "Interim Committee" and of various groups
who saw only a opportunity by which some would seek to use the revolt
to fill their lust for power.

From that moment began the repression: arbitrary arrests, torture and
killings become the norm in Oaxaca while the popular movement would
meet in mega-marches of up to 800,000 people and developed actions
that the APPO's direction could not control. June 14th provides one of
the first examples of such popular effervescence that builds upon
itself and takes the decision to confront the police. There are many
more examples of this type. On August 1st, a "cacerolada" (pot and pan
banging brigade) composed exclusively of women decided to take the
state television station in a peaceful manner. For weeks all
programming was in charge of these women until they were violently
evicted by vigilante groups. But that same night it was decided to
sieze all the commercial radio stations in the city. Days later, an
attack by the "convoy of death" upon Radio La Ley resulted in a
casualty and this leads the people take another decision: thousands of
barricades were installed as a defense against the paramilitary and
vigilante attacks. For weeks, and every night, the town jumps to the
streets to defend the city until October 28th, one day after 5 people
were killed, when the Federal Preventive Police (PFP) managed to enter
the main plaza or Zocalo of the city. Then a few days later, on
November 2nd, the police attempt to evict Radio University in
violation of university's autonomy. As the leaders of the APPO offered
support to the members of the barricades that protected the voice of
the movement to the left ?, the people went back out into the streets
forcing the PFP to withdraw. The APPO secured a victory.

On November 25th, following a mega-march that was intended to besiege
the PFP in the Zocalo and before the police assault, clashes were
unleashed leading to a night of brutal repression that would only be
the prelude to torture, illegal arrests and while others negotiate
with the government to end the movement. The outcome of the whole
process: 26 dead, dozens of detainees and an undetermined number of
missing.

When the repression continued and at same there was debate on the
participation of certain groups of APPO in the forthcoming elections
to State Congress that was threatening to break the fragile unity of
the APPO, provides an ideal time to review how the anarchist groups
participated in the movement outside of the electioneering perspective
and the criticism of some groups such as the Revolutionary People's
Front (RPF) that is effectively Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist and which
showed its true face in trying to eliminate all opponents
participating in the election game.

The APPO is not the Oaxaca Movement
During the months-long conflict, the media (including a majority of
"independent" outlets) only gave voice to the leaders of the APPO
under the sloganistic and well-intentioned principle "We are all APPO"
to which were attributed all achievements by the people. From the
beginning, voices who criticized the actions of these "leaders" were
silenced, and on behalf of unity, the proposals outside the structure
of the APPO were completely unknown.

Among those highlighted the voices of some anarchist groups who saw
the APPO not as a radical alternative to the system, but as a way to
find and administer power far too close to the existing structures.

Of the spaces that that tried to form and put into practice these
other proposals was the Intercultural Occupation en Resistance.
Chucho, a member of the collective "We are all Prisoners" (Tod@s Somos
Pres@s) and who participated in the experience, speaks of an
autonomous space on the margin of the structure of the APPO. The APPO
made a call to organize and direct people. We made a call to
self-organize and work in an autonomous manner, understanding that
autonomy reflected this coordination space from all the spaces that
expressed a desire for liberty.

The Okupa, located a few blocks from the Zocalo, was not formed as an
space for exclusively anarchist groups, but was open for Oaxacan
society from which it received its support. Located in a former
headquarters of the Preventive Police, it was restored with the
support of the population who both participated in the project and in
the decisions through the assemblies that were held in the Okupa.
Accordingly Chucho reports, "both the power of the state as well as
the APPO prevented the development of such initiatives, we are
proposing ... why break with these two structures and to promote the
creation of autonomous spaces either colonies or communities or small
spaces such as the Okupación. " A proposal closer to the principles
that were supposed defended the APPO leadership and to the demands of
the people oaxaqueño: "The same people are aware that there is a need
for government and they realize if we really wanted to topple Ulises
and install another. In assemblies it was questioned whether the APPO
would assign a person who was going to govern Oaxaca. "It was that
"the people came to realize that none of these questions of directions
and centralism are really for a change. Our intention was not to run a
libertarian movement as a group outside of the APPO, but these
practices are given autonomy and self-management everywhere based on
the needs of each town. "

The barricades
The libertarian groups were also an essential part and parcel of the
struggle and the direct resistance against different police forces,
both paramilitary and vigilantes and were in the barricades before and
after the entrance of the PFP on October 29th. There within
crystallized two trends. While the first was focused on direct action
and in defense against institutional attacks, the second sought to
establish ties with neighborhoods and their residents with the aim of
strengthening the popular resistance. Now a part of the Oaxacan
collective imagination, the barricades were erected as a symbol of the
popular struggle and those who were individuals of all kinds:
anarkopunks, but also people of more orthodox dress and customs
banners of the struggle against URO. Groups that although currently
are even criminalized by a certain sector of the APPO, the players
were not only on the daily resistance, but also of several clashes
against PFP.

But in addition, the organizational experience of the barricades was
very close to what is libertarian. As commented Noah, a student who
participated in the fight from an undefined ideological positions.
"the barricades were an experience of equality in that absolutely
everyone was equally involved in decision-making."

Anarchists in the APPO
But not all groups of libertarian groups chose the same path. The
Committee of Indigenous Peoples Oaxaca-Ricardo Flores Magón (CIPO-RFM)
chose to join the initiative of the APPO at its own discretion and in
a clearly critical manner. Dolores Villalobos, one of its members,
says, "We thought that was an area that needed to be built. Now we
know that not all people are honest and that we have different paths
as some you are betting on what election or to armed struggle. But our
duty is to propose to the other which is why we participated in the
APPO. We will be in all movements for which there is a possibility of
building something. When we see that our place is no longer there,
then we will leave. " For that same reason there will be many
individuals and groups participating in the State Council of 260
members which was established in the Constituent Assembly held on
November 11th and 12th, 2006 in the hope that they could make that
body a true representative of the people's demands.

So when from the domes of the State Council and through groups
interested in achieving institutional power sought to impose the
participation of APPO in the elections, groups like the libertarian
CIPO and also others such as those belonging to the Alliance
Zapatista-Magonista like OIDHO and CODEDI, were among those who
managed to stop the initiative. The consensus reached at the State
Assembly in early February was that the APPO would not "enter" the
elections as such, but that groups could do what they wanted on their
own behalf. While the unity was preserved, the actions of mafia-like
organizations such as the RPF (which was harshly criticized by groups
such as the Socialist Labor Party Socialist) have led to what
currently exists in the APPO, great internal division and a complete
removal of the State Council with respect to the people of Oaxaca.

Anarchism, Magonismo and Indian commonality
To talk about libertarian currents in Mexico is to talk of Ricardo
Flores Magón and Magonismo, which emerged at the beginning of the 20th
century and was pushed into the background as compared to reformism at
the end of the Mexican Revolution, and is intimately linked to the
mindset of indigenous peoples, in which Flores Magón found more than
inspiration for his proposals.

Since the formation of the APPO, it was defined as a heterogeneous
group composed of the most diverse ideological trends. Its assembly
character allegedly tried to show the APPO as structured on the basis
of horizontal political decision modes, while groups with strong
vertical hiarchical posts are more visible in the media and appointed
theirselves in Oaxaca as spokespersons of the people.

However it must be made clear that libertarian currents like Magonismo
are the only ones that really have built their political discourse
based on these practices that are formed with the "manners and
customs" of these people. Concepts such as autonomy, self-management
or assembly are examples of the way in which both indigenous and
libertarians agree on as key points of the vision of political and
social relations.

Faced with the defense of "regional autonomy" by Marxist theorists
like Hector Díaz-Polanco, the concept of "communal autonomy" built by
the indigenous anthropology in Oaxaca was much more about the cultural
principles governing indigenous worldviews. The Zapotec anthropologist
Jaime Martinez Luna states, "we must affirm that we also have our own
laws. Logic built by centuries of thought, ways to understand the very
life that have brought us to solve a host of internal problems. But
that right and that knowledge are undone to impose the engraved
reasoning and what was developed in areas other than our own, to
experiences that are not our reality. " One example is "always
reasoning in terms of individual rights, never thinking of the
community rights, ie always argue in terms of the interests of an
individual and it is understood that the whole attitude becomes an
individual interest, never he joins the ability to understand that the
attitude is the result of a social act or even more so, a communal
one, therefore warrants different treatment. "

Benjamin Maldonado, author of books such as "The Utopia of Ricardo
Flores Magón or Autonomy and Indian Commonality", advocates "an
anarchist world is a world community, if we rely on the definition of
Ricardo Flores Magón of anarchy and order based on mutual aid . I
understand that many of the libertarians have tried to create and
build a world community similar to the structure of the communities in
Oaxaca, with mutual support, where they are willing to donate huge
amounts of work for others for the construction and reconstruction of
the community, with a power structure in the assembly rather than
their representatives, within a territorial space where power can be
effected, with a system of shared government that was not corrupt,
with a distribution system that allowed some margin of regional food
self-sufficiency and especially with the and ed to be community and
celebrate each time and waste of resources. "

For Maldonado, "commonality, the backbone of being Indian, consists of
four core elements: the communal territory (use and defense and
collective space), communal labor (interfamiliar through mutual aid
and community through tequio, it is free for job works benefit of the
people), the communal power (participation in the assembly and the
performance of various civic and religious positions that form their
system of government) and the communal happiness (through
participation in the celebrations and sponsorship). "

All this is based on a principle which was built from their own
communal identity, autonomy, "since its formation, the idea of
commonality has been linked to the idea of self-determination, that
the actual language is autonomy. It is precisely the commonality which
was and is able to create (recreate) the necessary conditions for
autonomy. In this sense, "the abolition of state authority and
oppression is understood as the exercise of the autonomous community's
organizational will." And the experience of native peoples that are
thus constituted "shows that it is historically possible to live in
collectivist anti-autoritarian collectives."

This anti-authoritarian nature of the communities' political
organization is based on their own conception of power as a service to
the people and the assembly as a means of political decision making.
For Martinez Luna, "the significance of power in an indigenous
community in contrast to what is depicted in both the rural and urban
mestizo world is very different. In our communities, power is a
service, namely it is the implementation of guidelines for an
community assembly. In another words, it means exercising the
decisions of the authority that has been elected through electoral
mechanisms with little supervision by society. A community authority
that is in effect, an employee at the service of all, an employee who
is not paid, who is not allowed to design, and when this occurs,
design can be achieved only if there is consultation. In contrast,
political power in rural and urban mestizo communities is to the
contrary, it is the opportunity to run their own ideas and satisfy
their personal interests, there is no consultation. "The assembly is
the highest authority in the community, it is the meeting of all heads
of households and which also includes women. Both the silent and the
speakers participate in this. The field workers along with artisans
and professionals. The assembly always works by consensus, but in many
cases and with practical issues by using majority vote. "The election
of the authorities does not reflect any intent or partisan guideline
and is based on prestige and in the work. " A conception of power that
makes "our immediate obstacles would be the political parties."

From this point of view, and perhaps as a result, the socio-political
proposals of the indigenous peoples have been as denostadas own people
outside the development and progress embodied in the Western political
and economic systems, when in fact pose a real alternative ( not
merely utopian) to existing structures. For Chucho, "the indigenous
struggle is the one that is going to force real change. The practices
of community life are the ones that really could truly confront the
state ", establishing an intimate relationship between the practices
of both indigenous and urban groups of libertarians.

Some libertarian principles are intimately linked to the indigenous
and that, if we can talk about it in a testimonial manner, have made
almost all of these groups and organizations join the initiative of
the Zapatista Other Campaign.

Did an anarchist state live in Oaxaca?
As a fast food seller at the Pochote Market said, "in Oaxaca, we miss
those days that we lived in anarchy." Certainly his claim would not be
very orthodox in regards to a formal and comprehensive definition of
what is a "state of anarchy", but since his participation in the
barricades, a sentiment shows that, while not widespread, it is
present in many people and in many of those involved in the movement.
The absence of the repressive institutions (at least in an official
capacity) in the city, the actions of the people who developed
resistance without any organizational leadership, the solidarity and
mutual aid amongst those who filled the streets in resistance and the
very organization at the barricades ... This is certainly the basis of
this sentiment.

For Dolores Villalobos, "it's something that nobody will be able to
forget. Everyone was in the streets and everything was a real
brotherhood ... There was a form of organization, solidarity and
mutual support, people were concerned about the other person. So I
think that today the resistance continues, because people have taken
that step. That is the important thing: as it began to generate a
different type of relationship between human beings. " and she adds,
só a los que creían que podían tener al movimiento controlado. She
adds, "people broke those who believed they could have controlled the
movement. It is also why there was a lot of repression, because the
government saw that it could not control it because none of those who
went to the negotiating table could halt it nor could say, 'this shall
done', but rather it was in those camps and in the barricades where
the direction of the movement was decided."

For as Chucho explains rather "ways to react to the direct attack of
the state" are not exactly anarchy, but there was an attitude of
"disobedience" both regarding the state as well as to APPO.

Benjamin Maldonado is more pessimistic: "I think that we lived a
situation of chaos, not anarchy. I saw a lot of creativity but lack of
clarity, but it lacks a lot of energy project, a lot of enthusiasm but
lack of vision, a lot of confluence without seeing the impossibilities
of continuity. "

The current situation

Despite the repression and issues with internal groups, the movement
has left behind the principles that were born. The struggle in Oaxaca
that is inspired by a structural change in the ways of life of native
peoples is not over. One example is the recent formation of Voices of
Women from Oaxaca Building Autonomy and Freedom (VOCAL), a space
formed not only by individuals and anarchist collectives but also by
many others since the beginning of the mobilizations that were fought
from inside and outside the APPO. U. An area that affects autonomy as
a basis for socio-political order and refuses to leave the reins of
political destiny in the hands of political parties.

VOCAL has already been subjected to harassment and repression and not
only by the State. The imprisonment on April 13th of one of its
members, David Venegas Reyes, a member of the State Board of APPO from
where they fought against the positions of electioneering to those he
defined as traitors to the movement (and who have identified and even
accused of being a infiltration) is the clearest example of this.

Currently Oaxaca is living in a state of selective repression and
harassment against all groups who continue to advocate the need for
the disappearance of the state and the formal democracy that underpins
it and this is helped by groups, such as the RPF, that criminalize all
those who are standing in way of the claims of institutional power.
Surely the media will give support to some of the processes that
sooner or later will erupt and lead to situations worthy of a good
photograph on the front page. Until that time, we must not forget and
as often is said these lands, "Zapata lives, the struggle continues."

Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110

415 863-9977

www.Freedomarchives.org