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Rage One (blog)

miércoles, abril 28, 2010

Paramilitary Attack Leaves Two Dead and Three Disappeared

To the news media
To the peoples of Mexico
To the peoples of the world
To the peoples of Oaxaca

Armed attack on the Support and Solidarity Caravan to the Autonomous
Municipality of San Juan Copala, Oaxaca


Yesterday, an announcement was sent to the news media about the
Caravan headed for the Triqui Region in our state of Oaxaca. Caravan
participants include members of the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of
Oaxaca (APPO), Section 22 of the teachers’ union, Oaxacan Voices
Constructing Autonomy and Freedom (VOCAL), CACTUS, members of MULT-I
(Independent Triqui Movement of Unification and Struggle), as well as
international observers.

As announced, the caravan left the city of Huajuapan de León, Oaxaca,
at 11:00 a.m. on April 27, 2010, with the aim of breaking the siege
around the Autonomous Triqui Community, a manifestation of state and
paramilitary repression on the process of autonomy being built in this
community. The violent paramilitary attacks have occurred at different
times in San Juan Copala’s autonomous process and have been led by the
paramilitary UBISORT organization (Social Welfare Union of the Triqui
Region), now presided over by Rufino Juárez Hernández and MULT (Triqui
Movement of Unification and Struggle).

Before the caravan left, the autonomous president of San Juan Copala,
Jesús Martínez Flores held the following people responsible for any
aggression whatsoever against it: Oaxaca State Attorney General
Evencio Nicolás Martínez, Oaxaca Minister of the Interior Jorge Franco
Vargas, ”el Chuky”, and PRI party legislative candidate Carlos
Martínez. He also demanded that UBISORT and MULT behave responsibly
and take the Triqui people’s peace talks seriously.


About 100 Km. from the entrance to La Sabana, the road was blocked
with stones, and that’s where the cowardly attack began with firearms
whose caliber is as of yet undetermined. The attack was perpetrated by
around 15 paramilitaries at the service of the government of the
killer Ulises Ruiz Ortiz, destroying the vehicles, wounding one
comrade, and killing two others, according to initial reports.

During the attack, some comrades escaped, running into the mountains.
Their location is unknown and it is feared that they have been
captured by paramilitaries. The disappeared comrades are NOE BAUTISTA

We have just received information about the two comrades who lost
their lives in this attack. They are CACTUS member BEATRÌZ ALBERTA
CARIÑO TRUJILLO, and an international observer from Finland, JYRI
ANTERO JAAKKOLA. Both were shot dead.

During the attack, our comrade MONICA CITLALI SANTIAGO ORTIZ was shot
in the back and has received medical attention at Juxtlahuaca.

Other people at the scene of the shooting were forced out of the
vehicles and taken down the mountain to be interrogated. Some received
death threats before being released on the highway. VOCAL member RUBÈN
VALENCIA NUÑEZ was detained by paramilitaries who took his voter
registration card and cell phone and threatened him with death before
turning him loose.

An ambulance arrived at the scene to give medical attention to the
wounded, but it was also fired upon in a cowardly paramilitary attack,
causing it to leave. As it was leaving, the medics came to the aid of
a wounded comrade, who confirmed the deaths of the two previously
mentioned comrades.

Due to confusion and uncertainty regarding the events, it has been
impossible to ascertain the whereabouts or the physical and
psychological situation of the previously mentioned comrades.

WE EMPHATICALLY DENOUNCE the fact that this armed attack is the
product of the conditions of institutional violence and impunity
enjoyed by paramilitary groups in this region of our state and
directed against different expressions of the social struggle in
Oaxaca, specifically the construction of autonomous processes.

This aggression takes place in the circumstances of isolation and the
state of siege imposed on the municipality of San Juan Copala, where
children have been deprived of their classes since January.
Furthermore, the lights have been turned off and the community has no
access to drinking water or medical personnel. It is subjected to
permanent harassment from military troops that have set up a roadblock
just outside the town.


– that the government of the killer Ulises Ruiz put an end to all
paramilitary attacks in the Triqui Region, and to the financing,
provision of arms, and impunity enjoyed by these paramilitary groups
in our state;

– and assure the immediate presentation of our disappeared comrades.


the people of Oaxaca, Mexico, and the international community and
different social organizations, collectives and groups to make a
visible show of solidarity and support, demanding the live
presentation of our disappeared brothers and punishment of the
responsible people. We also ask that you demand an end to the
conditions of violence imposed on the Autonomous Municipality of San
Juan Copala.

Live presentation of our disappeared comrades!
Punishment for the murders of our comrades!
An end to the attacks against the Autonomous Municipality of San Juan Copala!
An end to the paramilitary blockade around this autonomous Triqui community!

Oaxacan Voices Constructing Autonomy and Freedom

Rights activists killed in Mexico
By Andrew Wander
Wednesday, April 28, 2010

Two human rights activists have been killed in a paramilitary attack
on an aid convoy travelling to a breakaway region of southern Mexico,
the convoy's organisers have said.

Gunmen opened fire on the convoy as it was carrying food and water to
a blockaded indigenous community in Oaxaca state.

At least three others were injured in the attack, which took place
outside the town of La Sabana en route to the San Juan Copala
municipality,which has declared itself autonomous, the convoy's
organisers told Al Jazeera.

VOCAL, a human rights group involved in organising the convoy,
released a statement stating that two activists had been shot dead by
gunmen who oppose the declaration.

Women from Oaxaca Building Autonomy and Freedom (VOCAL), a space
formed not only by individuals and anarchist collectives but also by
many others since the beginning of the mobilizations that were fought
from inside and outside the APPO. U. An area that affects autonomy as
a basis for socio-political order and refuses to leave the reins of
political destiny in the hands of political parties.
VOCAL has already been subjected to harassment and repression and not
only by the State. The imprisonment on April 13th of one of its
members, David Venegas Reyes, a member of the State Board of APPO from
where they fought against the positions of electioneering to those he
defined as traitors to the movement (and who have identified and even
accused of being a infiltration) is the clearest example of this.

Currently Oaxaca is living in a state of selective repression and
harassment against all groups who continue to advocate the need for
the disappearance of the state and the formal democracy that underpins
it and this is helped by groups, such as the RPF, that criminalize all
those who are standing in way of the claims of institutional power.
Surely the media will give support to some of the processes that
sooner or later will erupt and lead to situations worthy of a good
photograph on the front page. Until that time, we must not forget and
as often is said these lands, "Zapata lives, the struggle continues."

"Regrettably, as information is coming in, we know that two comrades
lost their lives in this paramilitary attack," the statement said.
"This armed attack is a product of the conditions of institutional
violence and impunity that paramilitary groups enjoy in this region."

"This attack occurred in the context of the isolation and state of
siege that the municipality of San Juan Copala lives under, where
since January the children have not had classes, where the community
does not have electricity, water, doctors, and lives under permanent
paramilitary harassment as a result of the blockade they have
established there."

The organisation said one of the dead was a Finnish national who was
travelling with the convoy as an international observer.

Finland's foreign ministry was unable to verify the death, but said it
had received "unconfirmed reports" that a Finn had been killed in the

"There has been no confirmation yet of what occurred in this attack,"
an official from the ministry's Latin America department told Al

Cactus, an indigenous rights organisation also involved in organising
the convoy, told Al Jazeera that it was attacked shortly after setting
off on Tuesday, and that 12 of the 24 members of the group remain
unnaccounted for.

"12 escaped and are ok, but 12 are still missing in Copala. Five have
been injured, some seriously," a Cactus official said.

Series of attacks

San Juan Copala is populated by members of the Trique indigenous
people, and declared itself autonomous from the Oaxaca state
government in 2007 in protest at what it says is a policy of
discrimination and harrassment against its people.

The declaration of autonomy has been dismissed by authorities, and the
municipality has been subjected to a blockade by local paramilitaries
loyal to the state government.

The latest attack is being blamed on a local paramilitary group known
as Ubisort, which had warned earlier this week that it would prevent
the convoy from reaching its destination.

Convoy organisers were so worried by the threat that they issued a
joint press release hours before the attack warning that they could be
the target of "aggression" en route to San Juan Copala.

"Given the circumstances, we hold the government of Ulises Ruiz
[Oaxaca state governor] responsible for any aggression any member of
the media or human rights observer could face," the statement said.

The Trique people say they face a range of abuses from
government-backed paramilitaries who oppose their attempts at

Previous convoys have been blocked from reaching the municipality, and
Trique community buildings have been attacked by armed gangs,
resulting in several deaths.

In 2008, two young Trique women who worked at a community radio
station were shot dead on their way to Oaxaca City in what Trique
leaders said was a targeted attack against members of the community.

Anarchism and libertarian currents in the Oaxaca insurrectionary movement

Article examining the influence of libertarian ideas in the recent
uprisings in Oaxaca, Mexico.

Originally published in Spanish on and in Rojo Y
Negro, newspaper of the CGT
Translated by a comrade of Capital Terminus Collective

Between June and November of 2006, the Mexican state of Oaxaca lived
through a popular revolt that both astonished and shocked the world.
While the mass media took its characteristic perspective on the
conflict, the people of Oaxaca rejected Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz
(URO), of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and took the
capital city demanding his ouster as the starting point for the
creation of a new political and economic order to wipe out the huge
social inequalities that submerge the mostly indigenous state.

To talk about the historical background that led to this uprising can
be misleading. And it is because our discussion is imparted with an
essential difference between that which occurred before and that which
occurred after June 14th. In reality, the struggle in Oaxaca, Mexico
and Latin America is a continuum in which only the limits of our
thinking and of our language that impose dates and events with special
historical interest, while ignoring the "silent" processes and
"marginal of history "(at least media-wise) that occur within the
society, as well as the struggles and the repression exerted upon
them. Knowing this, however, we do advise that the fight in Oaxaca
goes back to the arrival of the Spaniards, here we will just focus on
the recent past.

A brief history
On June 14th 2006, 3,000 troops from different bodies of the Mexican
State Police tried to enter the main city plaza or Zocalo with the
intention to evict the annual encamped "sit-in" that the Mexican
National Educational Workers Union (SNTE) union had established at the
Zócalo for the past 25 years as a means of pressure for a series of
demands. The people of Oaxaca joined together under this movement and
went to the streets forcing the police to retreat. From that moment on
and despite the authoritarian and repressive policies of Ulises Ruiz
Ortiz (URO), the ouster of the governor became the unanimous demand of
the people. A few days later, several organizations joined with the
teachers in the creation of the famous People's Assembly of the People
of Oaxaca (APPO), which in its first instance would be led by thirty
members who comprised the "Interim Committee" and of various groups
who saw only a opportunity by which some would seek to use the revolt
to fill their lust for power.

From that moment began the repression: arbitrary arrests, torture and
killings become the norm in Oaxaca while the popular movement would
meet in mega-marches of up to 800,000 people and developed actions
that the APPO's direction could not control. June 14th provides one of
the first examples of such popular effervescence that builds upon
itself and takes the decision to confront the police. There are many
more examples of this type. On August 1st, a "cacerolada" (pot and pan
banging brigade) composed exclusively of women decided to take the
state television station in a peaceful manner. For weeks all
programming was in charge of these women until they were violently
evicted by vigilante groups. But that same night it was decided to
sieze all the commercial radio stations in the city. Days later, an
attack by the "convoy of death" upon Radio La Ley resulted in a
casualty and this leads the people take another decision: thousands of
barricades were installed as a defense against the paramilitary and
vigilante attacks. For weeks, and every night, the town jumps to the
streets to defend the city until October 28th, one day after 5 people
were killed, when the Federal Preventive Police (PFP) managed to enter
the main plaza or Zocalo of the city. Then a few days later, on
November 2nd, the police attempt to evict Radio University in
violation of university's autonomy. As the leaders of the APPO offered
support to the members of the barricades that protected the voice of
the movement to the left ?, the people went back out into the streets
forcing the PFP to withdraw. The APPO secured a victory.

On November 25th, following a mega-march that was intended to besiege
the PFP in the Zocalo and before the police assault, clashes were
unleashed leading to a night of brutal repression that would only be
the prelude to torture, illegal arrests and while others negotiate
with the government to end the movement. The outcome of the whole
process: 26 dead, dozens of detainees and an undetermined number of

When the repression continued and at same there was debate on the
participation of certain groups of APPO in the forthcoming elections
to State Congress that was threatening to break the fragile unity of
the APPO, provides an ideal time to review how the anarchist groups
participated in the movement outside of the electioneering perspective
and the criticism of some groups such as the Revolutionary People's
Front (RPF) that is effectively Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist and which
showed its true face in trying to eliminate all opponents
participating in the election game.

The APPO is not the Oaxaca Movement
During the months-long conflict, the media (including a majority of
"independent" outlets) only gave voice to the leaders of the APPO
under the sloganistic and well-intentioned principle "We are all APPO"
to which were attributed all achievements by the people. From the
beginning, voices who criticized the actions of these "leaders" were
silenced, and on behalf of unity, the proposals outside the structure
of the APPO were completely unknown.

Among those highlighted the voices of some anarchist groups who saw
the APPO not as a radical alternative to the system, but as a way to
find and administer power far too close to the existing structures.

Of the spaces that that tried to form and put into practice these
other proposals was the Intercultural Occupation en Resistance.
Chucho, a member of the collective "We are all Prisoners" (Tod@s Somos
Pres@s) and who participated in the experience, speaks of an
autonomous space on the margin of the structure of the APPO. The APPO
made a call to organize and direct people. We made a call to
self-organize and work in an autonomous manner, understanding that
autonomy reflected this coordination space from all the spaces that
expressed a desire for liberty.

The Okupa, located a few blocks from the Zocalo, was not formed as an
space for exclusively anarchist groups, but was open for Oaxacan
society from which it received its support. Located in a former
headquarters of the Preventive Police, it was restored with the
support of the population who both participated in the project and in
the decisions through the assemblies that were held in the Okupa.
Accordingly Chucho reports, "both the power of the state as well as
the APPO prevented the development of such initiatives, we are
proposing ... why break with these two structures and to promote the
creation of autonomous spaces either colonies or communities or small
spaces such as the Okupación. " A proposal closer to the principles
that were supposed defended the APPO leadership and to the demands of
the people oaxaqueño: "The same people are aware that there is a need
for government and they realize if we really wanted to topple Ulises
and install another. In assemblies it was questioned whether the APPO
would assign a person who was going to govern Oaxaca. "It was that
"the people came to realize that none of these questions of directions
and centralism are really for a change. Our intention was not to run a
libertarian movement as a group outside of the APPO, but these
practices are given autonomy and self-management everywhere based on
the needs of each town. "

The barricades
The libertarian groups were also an essential part and parcel of the
struggle and the direct resistance against different police forces,
both paramilitary and vigilantes and were in the barricades before and
after the entrance of the PFP on October 29th. There within
crystallized two trends. While the first was focused on direct action
and in defense against institutional attacks, the second sought to
establish ties with neighborhoods and their residents with the aim of
strengthening the popular resistance. Now a part of the Oaxacan
collective imagination, the barricades were erected as a symbol of the
popular struggle and those who were individuals of all kinds:
anarkopunks, but also people of more orthodox dress and customs
banners of the struggle against URO. Groups that although currently
are even criminalized by a certain sector of the APPO, the players
were not only on the daily resistance, but also of several clashes
against PFP.

But in addition, the organizational experience of the barricades was
very close to what is libertarian. As commented Noah, a student who
participated in the fight from an undefined ideological positions.
"the barricades were an experience of equality in that absolutely
everyone was equally involved in decision-making."

Anarchists in the APPO
But not all groups of libertarian groups chose the same path. The
Committee of Indigenous Peoples Oaxaca-Ricardo Flores Magón (CIPO-RFM)
chose to join the initiative of the APPO at its own discretion and in
a clearly critical manner. Dolores Villalobos, one of its members,
says, "We thought that was an area that needed to be built. Now we
know that not all people are honest and that we have different paths
as some you are betting on what election or to armed struggle. But our
duty is to propose to the other which is why we participated in the
APPO. We will be in all movements for which there is a possibility of
building something. When we see that our place is no longer there,
then we will leave. " For that same reason there will be many
individuals and groups participating in the State Council of 260
members which was established in the Constituent Assembly held on
November 11th and 12th, 2006 in the hope that they could make that
body a true representative of the people's demands.

So when from the domes of the State Council and through groups
interested in achieving institutional power sought to impose the
participation of APPO in the elections, groups like the libertarian
CIPO and also others such as those belonging to the Alliance
Zapatista-Magonista like OIDHO and CODEDI, were among those who
managed to stop the initiative. The consensus reached at the State
Assembly in early February was that the APPO would not "enter" the
elections as such, but that groups could do what they wanted on their
own behalf. While the unity was preserved, the actions of mafia-like
organizations such as the RPF (which was harshly criticized by groups
such as the Socialist Labor Party Socialist) have led to what
currently exists in the APPO, great internal division and a complete
removal of the State Council with respect to the people of Oaxaca.

Anarchism, Magonismo and Indian commonality
To talk about libertarian currents in Mexico is to talk of Ricardo
Flores Magón and Magonismo, which emerged at the beginning of the 20th
century and was pushed into the background as compared to reformism at
the end of the Mexican Revolution, and is intimately linked to the
mindset of indigenous peoples, in which Flores Magón found more than
inspiration for his proposals.

Since the formation of the APPO, it was defined as a heterogeneous
group composed of the most diverse ideological trends. Its assembly
character allegedly tried to show the APPO as structured on the basis
of horizontal political decision modes, while groups with strong
vertical hiarchical posts are more visible in the media and appointed
theirselves in Oaxaca as spokespersons of the people.

However it must be made clear that libertarian currents like Magonismo
are the only ones that really have built their political discourse
based on these practices that are formed with the "manners and
customs" of these people. Concepts such as autonomy, self-management
or assembly are examples of the way in which both indigenous and
libertarians agree on as key points of the vision of political and
social relations.

Faced with the defense of "regional autonomy" by Marxist theorists
like Hector Díaz-Polanco, the concept of "communal autonomy" built by
the indigenous anthropology in Oaxaca was much more about the cultural
principles governing indigenous worldviews. The Zapotec anthropologist
Jaime Martinez Luna states, "we must affirm that we also have our own
laws. Logic built by centuries of thought, ways to understand the very
life that have brought us to solve a host of internal problems. But
that right and that knowledge are undone to impose the engraved
reasoning and what was developed in areas other than our own, to
experiences that are not our reality. " One example is "always
reasoning in terms of individual rights, never thinking of the
community rights, ie always argue in terms of the interests of an
individual and it is understood that the whole attitude becomes an
individual interest, never he joins the ability to understand that the
attitude is the result of a social act or even more so, a communal
one, therefore warrants different treatment. "

Benjamin Maldonado, author of books such as "The Utopia of Ricardo
Flores Magón or Autonomy and Indian Commonality", advocates "an
anarchist world is a world community, if we rely on the definition of
Ricardo Flores Magón of anarchy and order based on mutual aid . I
understand that many of the libertarians have tried to create and
build a world community similar to the structure of the communities in
Oaxaca, with mutual support, where they are willing to donate huge
amounts of work for others for the construction and reconstruction of
the community, with a power structure in the assembly rather than
their representatives, within a territorial space where power can be
effected, with a system of shared government that was not corrupt,
with a distribution system that allowed some margin of regional food
self-sufficiency and especially with the and ed to be community and
celebrate each time and waste of resources. "

For Maldonado, "commonality, the backbone of being Indian, consists of
four core elements: the communal territory (use and defense and
collective space), communal labor (interfamiliar through mutual aid
and community through tequio, it is free for job works benefit of the
people), the communal power (participation in the assembly and the
performance of various civic and religious positions that form their
system of government) and the communal happiness (through
participation in the celebrations and sponsorship). "

All this is based on a principle which was built from their own
communal identity, autonomy, "since its formation, the idea of
commonality has been linked to the idea of self-determination, that
the actual language is autonomy. It is precisely the commonality which
was and is able to create (recreate) the necessary conditions for
autonomy. In this sense, "the abolition of state authority and
oppression is understood as the exercise of the autonomous community's
organizational will." And the experience of native peoples that are
thus constituted "shows that it is historically possible to live in
collectivist anti-autoritarian collectives."

This anti-authoritarian nature of the communities' political
organization is based on their own conception of power as a service to
the people and the assembly as a means of political decision making.
For Martinez Luna, "the significance of power in an indigenous
community in contrast to what is depicted in both the rural and urban
mestizo world is very different. In our communities, power is a
service, namely it is the implementation of guidelines for an
community assembly. In another words, it means exercising the
decisions of the authority that has been elected through electoral
mechanisms with little supervision by society. A community authority
that is in effect, an employee at the service of all, an employee who
is not paid, who is not allowed to design, and when this occurs,
design can be achieved only if there is consultation. In contrast,
political power in rural and urban mestizo communities is to the
contrary, it is the opportunity to run their own ideas and satisfy
their personal interests, there is no consultation. "The assembly is
the highest authority in the community, it is the meeting of all heads
of households and which also includes women. Both the silent and the
speakers participate in this. The field workers along with artisans
and professionals. The assembly always works by consensus, but in many
cases and with practical issues by using majority vote. "The election
of the authorities does not reflect any intent or partisan guideline
and is based on prestige and in the work. " A conception of power that
makes "our immediate obstacles would be the political parties."

From this point of view, and perhaps as a result, the socio-political
proposals of the indigenous peoples have been as denostadas own people
outside the development and progress embodied in the Western political
and economic systems, when in fact pose a real alternative ( not
merely utopian) to existing structures. For Chucho, "the indigenous
struggle is the one that is going to force real change. The practices
of community life are the ones that really could truly confront the
state ", establishing an intimate relationship between the practices
of both indigenous and urban groups of libertarians.

Some libertarian principles are intimately linked to the indigenous
and that, if we can talk about it in a testimonial manner, have made
almost all of these groups and organizations join the initiative of
the Zapatista Other Campaign.

Did an anarchist state live in Oaxaca?
As a fast food seller at the Pochote Market said, "in Oaxaca, we miss
those days that we lived in anarchy." Certainly his claim would not be
very orthodox in regards to a formal and comprehensive definition of
what is a "state of anarchy", but since his participation in the
barricades, a sentiment shows that, while not widespread, it is
present in many people and in many of those involved in the movement.
The absence of the repressive institutions (at least in an official
capacity) in the city, the actions of the people who developed
resistance without any organizational leadership, the solidarity and
mutual aid amongst those who filled the streets in resistance and the
very organization at the barricades ... This is certainly the basis of
this sentiment.

For Dolores Villalobos, "it's something that nobody will be able to
forget. Everyone was in the streets and everything was a real
brotherhood ... There was a form of organization, solidarity and
mutual support, people were concerned about the other person. So I
think that today the resistance continues, because people have taken
that step. That is the important thing: as it began to generate a
different type of relationship between human beings. " and she adds,
só a los que creían que podían tener al movimiento controlado. She
adds, "people broke those who believed they could have controlled the
movement. It is also why there was a lot of repression, because the
government saw that it could not control it because none of those who
went to the negotiating table could halt it nor could say, 'this shall
done', but rather it was in those camps and in the barricades where
the direction of the movement was decided."

For as Chucho explains rather "ways to react to the direct attack of
the state" are not exactly anarchy, but there was an attitude of
"disobedience" both regarding the state as well as to APPO.

Benjamin Maldonado is more pessimistic: "I think that we lived a
situation of chaos, not anarchy. I saw a lot of creativity but lack of
clarity, but it lacks a lot of energy project, a lot of enthusiasm but
lack of vision, a lot of confluence without seeing the impossibilities
of continuity. "

The current situation

Despite the repression and issues with internal groups, the movement
has left behind the principles that were born. The struggle in Oaxaca
that is inspired by a structural change in the ways of life of native
peoples is not over. One example is the recent formation of Voices of
Women from Oaxaca Building Autonomy and Freedom (VOCAL), a space
formed not only by individuals and anarchist collectives but also by
many others since the beginning of the mobilizations that were fought
from inside and outside the APPO. U. An area that affects autonomy as
a basis for socio-political order and refuses to leave the reins of
political destiny in the hands of political parties.

VOCAL has already been subjected to harassment and repression and not
only by the State. The imprisonment on April 13th of one of its
members, David Venegas Reyes, a member of the State Board of APPO from
where they fought against the positions of electioneering to those he
defined as traitors to the movement (and who have identified and even
accused of being a infiltration) is the clearest example of this.

Currently Oaxaca is living in a state of selective repression and
harassment against all groups who continue to advocate the need for
the disappearance of the state and the formal democracy that underpins
it and this is helped by groups, such as the RPF, that criminalize all
those who are standing in way of the claims of institutional power.
Surely the media will give support to some of the processes that
sooner or later will erupt and lead to situations worthy of a good
photograph on the front page. Until that time, we must not forget and
as often is said these lands, "Zapata lives, the struggle continues."

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